Think Wall Street pols are using this police brutality to keep 99% of black Americans focused on survival as all of the MLK War on Poverty and New Deal is dismantled and Equal Protection and Opportunity laws ignored? Think holding union rights and pensions over the heads of labor keeps them silent about all of the labor rights and wealth are being dismantled and stolen? Think women are now limited to fighting only for reproductive rights as all Equal Protection and labor rights that moved them into economic security are dismantled? YOU BETCHA! THEY ARE TAKING US THIRD WORLD WHILE WE FOCUS ON A VERY FEW ISSUES.
NEO-LIBERALISM IS TOTALITARIANISM AND IS INSTALLED BY MAKING PEOPLE FEARFUL AND DESPERATE. THAT IS WHAT CLINTON/OBAMA NEO-LIBERALS AND BUSH NEO-CONS ARE DOING. All WE THE PEOPLE NEED TO DO IS ELECT GOOD PEOPLE THAT REINSTATE RULE OF LAW AND EQUAL PROTECTION AND VOILA----WE SEND THESE GLOBAL CORPORATIONS PACKING. EASY PEASY.
People must understand public policy from the national level down and its history to be able to choose the right candidates in primary elections. The reason education reforms since Reagan Clinton defunded and corporatized education was to kill this ability. Of course today---it is on steroids.
Clinton neo-liberals declared the Progressive Wing of the Democratic Party dead---they say there are only progressive issues. This is why you see private non-profits shouting for $15 an hour-----shouting against fracking-----shouting against police brutality but you will not hear them educating broadly on the issues of labor policy, environmental policy, or justice policy---
When I ask these groups why they are not educating about neo-liberalism or Trans Pacific Trade Pact they say----WE ONLY WORK ON THIS ONE ISSUE. TPP kills all progressivism of course and neo-liberalism is the face of TPP. So, if you are actually working on a progressive issue and not educating about TPP and neo-liberalism-----YOU ARE MOVING NOWHERE.
Below you see why I shout over and over to get rid of Trumka----he is a Wall Street tool just as Ben Jealous was at the NAACP. Here is Trumka in 2010 speaking to the face of global corporate/Wall Street rule ---Harvard--- pretending the problem is racism thrown at Obama and John Lewis. Both Obama and John Lewis are Clinton Wall Street global corporate neo-liberals working as hard as any Republican to hand control to Wall Street and global corporations and TRUMKA pretends the problem is racism. Racism is growing because Obama and Clinton embrace 'Federalism' which is the Republican policy of keeping the Federal government out of state operations. It is the failure of Federal government to enforce Equal Protection laws that has racism and sexism on the rise. THIS WAS A DISGRACE!
WAKE UP! WALL STREET AND GLOBAL CORPORATIONS WANT SOCIAL UNREST JUST AS EXISTS IN ALL THIRD WORLD NATIONS AND TRUMKA KNOWS THAT SO IS HE REALLY SPEAKING IN THE PEOPLE'S BEHALF OR PROGRESSIVE POSING? POSING!
THAT IS WHY CLINTON NEO-LIBERALS CREATED THIS FORMAT----IT DIS-EMPOWERS PEOPLE. Americans are still voting for Clinton neo-liberals or Bush neo-cons because they do not see the connection. This has been the modus operandus these few decades and it is why the same Clinton neo-liberals from 2-30 years ago are still in office.
Never once does Trumka say TPP seeks to kill all of what he speaks nor has Trumka ever said----TPP IS ILLEGAL, A COUP AGAINST THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, AND TREASON---EASILY REVERSED AND VOIDED.
LaborTalk for April 13, 2010
Trumka Warns Harvard Audience of Plots
To Poison Workers’ Anger with Hatred
By Harry Kelber
AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka told an audience at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government that “there are forces in our country that are working hard to convert justifiable anger about an economy that seems to work for only a few of us into racist and homophobic hate and violence.”
He did not identify “the forces of hate;” or the extent of their influence or objectives, except to refer to hateful words against President Obama and the highly-respected Congressman John Lewis.
Trumka mentioned the many ways that working people have been short-changed in an economy that favors the rich and powerful, emphasizing the loss of 11 million jobs. “Mass unemployment and growing inequality threaten our democracy,” he said. “We need to act—and act boldly—to strike at the roots of working people’s anger and shut down the forces of hatred and racism.”
Trumka set forth an extraordinary challenge to his audience of intellectuals: “If you care about defending our country against the apostles of hate, you need to be part of the fight to rebuild a sustainable, high-wage economy built on good jobs—the kind of economy that can only exist when working men and women have a real voice on the job,” he said. And in blunt language, he added: “Political intellectuals face a great choice—whether to be servants or critics of economic privilege.”
Trumka ’s record on fighting the forces of hate is spotty, at best. When Dr. George Tiller, a prominent Kansas abortion doctor, was murdered—shot in the back while in church—by an openly racist, anti-abortion zealot, Scott Roeder, it was one of the most heinous hate crimes in decades. Yet there \was no comment from Trumka, not a word. Nor was it discussed, or even mentioned, on the AFL-CIO web site. .
Why Is There Growing Anger Against AFL-CIO’s Leaders?
The core of Trumka’s speech is similar to what he has been saying around the country. “Working people want an American economy that creates good jobs, where wealth is fairly shared, and where the economic life of our nation is about solving big problems like the threat of climate change rather than creating big problems, like the foreclosure crisis,” he said
But the unemployed, especially the millions who have been out of work for more than six months, are getting tired of his speeches and the lack of effective action to improve their lives. Many resent that Trumka’s annual salary, at the last count, was $238,975, plus substantial perks.
It is therefore not surprising that many union members will target their anger to their leaders—because of their perceived failures, and not because of succumbing to the forces of hate and violence.
Considering the injustices inflicted on working people, there has been far less violence in the United States than in most countries around the world. Of course, we have always in our history had our share of political and racist demagogues, but today, they are under close government scrutiny. Under our democracy, they are entitled to free speech, but there is no evidence that the “forces of hate” have made much headway within the labor movement.
* * * * *,
What is truly surprising is that throughout his speech, Trumka had nothing to say about the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Not a mention. Not a word, even though he must know that the two wars are on the minds of millions of working families, whose loved ones are fighting on foreign soil.
Trumka talks about creating 11 million jobs, but he has never put forward a plan on how to achieve it or pay for it. . Nor has he considered that the hundreds of billions of dollars spent on the two wars is something for the labor movement to worry about.
Let’s be clear: If Congress and the White House agree to create millions of public works jobs, the government will be subject to an enormous boost in the federal deficit in the short term. That’s how it was in the 1930s, when the New Deal put people first.
Giving unemployed workers a job and a regular pay check they can spend on household necessities and authorized taxes is a sounder and humane investment in the future of America than abandoning our jobless workers to a life of misery and poverty.--Harry Kelber
LaborTalk (56) will be posted here on Friday, April 16, 2010 and on our two web sites: www.laboreducator.org and www.laborsvoiceforchange.org.
Educating on public policy and civics allows people to be informed voters! There is absolutely no public discussions on policy or civics in Baltimore ---ergo, the capture.
Below you see an example of this. HBCUs should have been the progressive voice educating against Clinton neo-liberalism and they certainly should have made sure Baltimore was progressive and not neo-conservative and working for Johns Hopkins and Baltimore Development. If you know Clinton embraced neo-liberalism and 'Federalism' you know he, as Obama were going to dismantle all that is public and dismantle Federal agencies and programs including Equal Protection and Opportunity.
SEE HOW KNOWING ONE NATIONAL POLICY-----THE EMBRACING THE FEDERALISM ACT BY A PRESIDENT TELLS YOU HOW POLICY WILL FLOW FROM HIS/HER OFFICE?
Baltimore has one of the most rigged election systems in the nation. Never have I seen 501c3s and media completely ignore election laws and always to keep progressive candidates out of Democratic Primaries and give voice only to Clinton neo-liberals. It is all illegal and it is done by black 501c3s, universities, and media the most. This is how Baltimore is kept neo-conservative and controlled by Johns Hopkins in a super-majority black and working class city.
So, why do these black leaders seem to fight for HBCU when they fight for public education privatization in Baltimore City Hall and Maryland Assembly every day? PROGRESSIVE POSING. Black leaders are support every aspect of corporate education and ending public funding for public education institutions like HBCU's would follow Clinton/Obama Federalism.
All of these pols and universities fight hard during primary elections to make sure the progressive candidates that actually would fight for these insititutions are censured------
HBCU Town Hall Meeting Planned for Coppin State
by: Sean YoesApr 30, 2014
Lawyers for the Coalition for Excellence and Equity in Higher Education, which represent Morgan State University, Coppin State University, the University of Maryland Eastern Shore and Bowie State University have been engaged in a legal battle alleging unlawful duplication of their programs by traditionally White Institutions since October 2006.
The legal wrangling has reached the mediation phase between the two sides, and still very little is known by the general public in reference to what’s really at stake for the state’s historically Black colleges and universities.
A town hall style meeting on the plight of the state’s HBCU is planned for 6 to 8:30 p.m., May 13 on the campus of Coppin State University. Veteran award-winning journalist George Curry is set to moderate the discussion at the school’s James Weldon Johnson Auditorium to shed light on the historic lawsuit.
“I think the goal is to educate the public, the broader community as to what this case is all about and what its implications are for the future of historically Black colleges and more generally of Maryland higher education,” said Dr. Earl Richardson, former president of Morgan State University, one of the participants in Coppin’s town hall event. Richardson was president of Morgan when the Coalition lawsuit was filed against MHEC in 2006. He says the Black community needs to be stirred to action over the plight of HBCU during this primary election year.
“Now is the time to force the hand of the candidates force the hand of the elected officials,” Richardson said. “It’s within your (politicians) power to resolve this issue now. It’s been in the courtroom simply because of your refusal to address what is obviously a major example of discrimination and segregation,” he added.
Veteran defense attorney A. Dwight Petit, a former member of the University System of Maryland Board of Regents will also participate in the town hall meeting.
“We need to continue to put pressure on the state,” Petit said. “The governor’s office has called the shots the attorney general’s office is carrying out those shots and the Board of Regents as well as the Secretary of Higher Education…(We need) to bring this matter to a complete and just result without it having being returned back to the federal courts,” Petit added.
State Senator Joan Carter Conway – a vocal advocate for HBCU – who has attempted to pass anti-duplication laws through the legislature for nearly a decade will also participate in the meeting at Coppin.
Michael Jones, from Kirkland and Ellis, one of the law firms representing the Coalition is also scheduled to attend the town hall meeting.
Prince George’s County Delegate Aisha Braveboy, chair of the state’s legislative Black Caucus and a candidate for Maryland Attorney General has also been invited to participate in the event at Coppin.
But, perhaps the invitee with the highest profile is former Maryland Lt. Governor and former chairman of the Republican National Committee Michael Steele.
Steele, who has been a staunch supporter of HBCU wrote in a commentary on The Grio website last October: “With so many of the civil rights battles behind us, and the satisfaction that comes from the success of African-Americans in business, politics, sports and entertainment, it is no surprise that the assault upon the integrity and historic purpose of our nation’s Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU) has been little noticed by mainstream media and, more sadly, the black community itself.”
'Feminism is the awareness that we live within a system designed to create a divide between those allocated power and those without. Feminism is knowing that things can change and will change, but it will take hard work and time and meaningful changes starting on a small-scale'.
The oxymoron that is corporate feminism
March 28, 2015
The stories and success of Hillary Clinton, Sheryl Sandberg, Marissa Meyer, and the like are targeted directly towards me. Upper middle class, leftist, feminist, well educated, determined, white teenage girl. I am told to Lean In, to not let anyone call me bossy, to not let any upper middle class, well educated, powerful white man stop me from doing anything that I want. I’m told that with enough determination and wit and drive, I, a girl, a girl already possessing an extraordinary amount of privilege, can reach the top of the corporate ladder or political party of my choice, although there are truly only two choices. I can have children and be a working woman. Have my cake and eat it too.
But what does it matter if I’m a girl succeeding in a system that is intrinsically corrupt? Even if a few women are able to break through the glass ceiling and be sitting at the board meetings, it will still be inherently sexist. I will be succeeding in a system entirely controlled by the ruling class, the wealthy, the privileged. A system that still values profit and wealth before all else.
Feminism for only those with existing privilege is not feminism. Corporate feminism is targeted towards wealthy, educated, white women, while working against the interests of women of color, the LGBT community, the lower and middle class, those living in poverty, those living with disabilities, and so forth. Feminism for only those with existing privilege is not feminism. Unless there is intersectionality, involving issues of race, class, sexual orientation and gender identity, disability, socioeconomic standing, in feminism, it is absolutely useless.
Societal norms are only ever really deconstructed, progress is only ever really made, when nuance is brought to prominent social movements. While first and second wave feminism arguably made major strides, through women’s suffrage in the early 20th century and reevaluating the role of women within families and the workplace in the 1960s and 1970s, we are nowhere close to an egalitarian society. Third wave feminism, the movement seen in the past few decades, is focused on achieving true equality. It focuses on the experiences and concerns of minorities, something that second wave feminism failed to effectively do.
In order for third wave feminism to truly be an effective and powerful social movement, people need to start having nuanced and meaningful conversations about what the underlying problems are in society and how they should be addressed. Petty arguments about whether feminism is really needed, whether or not all feminists hate men, are simply a waste of time and energy. A few years ago, I would have gotten into very long and heated debates on the subject. “Yes, this is why feminism is needed, and here a list of reasons why.” Society has established why feminism is needed. It has been made abundantly clear, many times through many mediums. Those who still dispute its legitimacy are purely ignorant, and there are larger battles to be fought. Nuance is the battle that needs to be fought. Explaining what feminism really means, who needs it, how we should approach feminism, the importance of intersectionality. Those are the conversations that are absolutely vital.
The primary issue with corporate feminism, is that it completely ignores the systematic flaws that exist within present day society. Feminist writer Bell Hooks describes this phenomenon in relation to Sheryl Sandberg, author and the Chief Operating Officer of Facebook:1
Sandberg’s definition of feminism begins and ends with the notion that it’s all about gender equality within the existing social system. From this perspective, the structures of imperialist white supremacist capitalist patriarchy need not be challenged. And she makes it seem that privileged white men will eagerly choose to extend the benefits of corporate capitalism to white women who have the courage to ‘lean in.’ It almost seems as if Sandberg sees women’s lack of perseverance as more the problem than systemic inequality. Sandberg effectively uses her race and class power and privilege to promote a narrow definition of feminism that obscures and undermines visionary feminist concerns.
This is a pattern seen repeatedly in the promotion of corporate feminism. The underlying inequalities of an oppressive system are ignored, and people are lead to believe that the problem is that women are not trying hard enough, allowing themselves to be held back by stereotypes and societal norms. If only women were empowered and had the inspiration to break out of those stereotypes, then they could achieve the same success as men in accumulating wealth and power within a neoliberal and oppressive society.
Can true equality exist within neoliberalism? This question is truly the crux of the discussion on feminism and intersectionality. Karl Marx, one of the most prominent economists and political thinkers of the last few centuries, wrote extensively in his critique of neoliberalism and private property. His critique is described as, “The inevitable result of generalised commodity production is therefore the polarisation of wealth and poverty, the reproduction of inequality and the exploitation of the mass of the population on an increasing scale”.2 I would argue that Marxist theory and skepticism of our neoliberal, capitalist economy is absolutely essential within the discussion of feminism. Neoliberalism will ultimately always result in greater inequality, and a vast divide between those with power and wealth, and those who are working for them.
This is why corporate feminism is not feminism. Corporate feminism presents a narrative in which women are empowered by achieving wealth and power. A narrative in which the success of one woman is the oppression of millions. Hillary Clinton being elected president in 2016 may seem like it would be an achievement for women and a feminist milestone. But truth be told, Clinton being elected president would eradicate sexism in the same way Obama being elected eradicated racism.
Liberal feminists’ support of Clinton is not just due to credulousness, though. It also reflects a narrowness of analysis, vision, and values. In the US, feminism is often understood as the right of women — and wealthy white women most of all — to share in the spoils of capitalism and US imperial power. By not confronting the exclusion of non-whites, foreigners, working-class people, and other groups from this vision, liberal feminists are missing a crucial opportunity to create a more inclusive, more powerful movement.3
Feminism will not succeed or grow until there is wide spread acknowledgment that feminism cannot exist without intersectionality and cannot exist while promoting the values of capitalism and neoliberalism.
My perception of feminism has not always been what it is right now, I admit that. As is the case with any ideology, it has changed and evolved over time. In my younger years, feminism meant being unapologetically a girl, not letting stereotypes or other people’s judgment stop me from doing anything. To my twelve-year-old self, you weren’t wrong. That is very much what feminism means. It also means giving everyone a chance to speak and be heard, regardless of what they look like or where they are from. It means fighting for equality and justice, no matter how difficult it may be. Feminism is educating others and doing whatever is within one’s capacity to alleviate prejudice and oppression. Feminism is the awareness that we live within a system designed to create a divide between those allocated power and those without. Feminism is knowing that things can change and will change, but it will take hard work and time and meaningful changes starting on a small-scale.
And thus I ask myself, where do I fit in within this movement? I am white, educated, and privileged. Capitalism and imperialism have benefitted my family greatly, they have given me the opportunities and social standing that I possess. I believe it begins with acknowledging that. Acknowledging the privilege you have and the things you are capable of because of it. Using the platform you are given to speak intelligently and thoughtfully, in a way that will benefit those who are not given a voice or are silenced by oppression. Promoting the ideals of intersectionality and egalitarianism.
Corporate feminism is commercial feminism. It is advertised under the facade of promoting social justice and equality, but is still based on the premise that wealth and profit should be prioritized above all else. The acquisition of wealth and power will always correlate to the oppression of minorities.
“There is no such thing as a single-issue struggle because we do not live single-issue lives.”4 - Audre Lorde
The feminism that we need is not the feminism that will be presented to us, the kind that is nicely packaged into a TED Talk or New York Times Best Seller. Embracing intersectional feminism means acknowledging that not all women are equally oppressed, and not all men are equal oppressors. It means dismantling systems of power that have been in place for centuries, having difficult conversations that require nuance and thoughtfulness. The systematic inequality of our society will not be destroyed without a fight, but I can’t think of anything else more important to fight for.
This is a long article but very good at showing how Clinton neo-librerals pretend they represent women and people of color by running those candidates but neo-liberalism kills, exploits, and ends all nation's Constitutional rights for those Democratic base groups---labor, justice, and women.
Below you see Hillary trying to make corporations cool by creating a talking point 'corporate feminism'. Black and Hispanic leaders were brought to neo-liberalism by being tapped to maximize their wealth with businesses or positions that paid well. Ergo, as neo-liberalism grew these historically progressive Democratic base allowed their success to blind them to the goals of neo-liberalism. Power and wealth to a few never stops folks----once the current middle-class is killed then comes the 'new middle-class'. Once Rule of Law and Equal Protection goes then they simply hit you on your head and steal your money like a playground bully. As with the mafia----your loyalty is complete or you are dismissed in any number of ways.
'Reyes emphasized the importance of independent feminist organizing: “Women from the feminist struggle have effectively brought to light the importance of dismantling a patriarchal system,”
What was more central in feminism than to be free from patriarchal systems? And Wall Street and global corporations are what?
This is how Clinton neo-liberalism has taken control of the very Democratic base organizations that should have been fighting---selling the idea of moving up the corporate ladder as the goal of progressivism ----and it is the opposite.
“Something That Might Be Called Neocon:" Hillary Clinton & Corporate Feminism
by Kevin Young and Diana C. Sierra Becerra March 3, 2015
Assuming Hillary Clinton runs for president in 2016, much of her popular support will be based on her image as an advocate of women’s rights. During her 2008 candidacy, the National Organization of Women (NOW) endorsed Clinton based on her “long history of support for women’s empowerment.” A group of 250 academics and activists calling themselves “Feminists for Clinton” praised her “powerful, inspiring advocacy of the human rights of women” and her “enormous contributions” as a policymaker. Since then, NOW and other mainstream women’s organizations have been eagerly anticipating her 2016 candidacy. Clinton and supporters have recently stepped up efforts to portray her as a champion of both women’s and LGBT rights.
Such depictions have little basis in Clinton’s past performance. While she has indeed spoken about gender and sexual rights with considerable frequency, and while she may not share the overtly misogynistic and anti-LGBT views of most Republican politicians, as a policymaker she has consistently favored policies devastating to women and LGBT persons.
Why, then, does she continue to enjoy such support from self-identified feminists? Part of the answer surely lies in the barrage of sexist attacks that have targeted her and the understandable desire of many feminists to see a woman president. But that’s not the whole story. We suggest that feminist enthusiasm for Hillary Clinton is reflective of a profound crisis of U.S. liberal feminism, which has long embraced or accepted corporate capitalism, racism, empire, and even heterosexism and transphobia.
Making Profit and War All issues of wealth, power, and violence are also women’s and LGBT rights issues. For instance, neoliberal economic policies of austerity and privatization disproportionately hurt women and LGBT individuals, who are often the lowest paid and the first workers to be fired, the most likely to bear the burdens of family maintenance, and the most affected by the involuntary migration, domestic violence, homelessness, and mental illness that are intensified by poverty.
Hillary Clinton’s record on such issues is hardly encouraging. Her decades of service on corporate boards and in major policy roles as First Lady, U.S. Senator, and Secretary of State give a clear indication of where she stands. One of Clinton’s first high-profile public positions was at Walmart, where she served on the board from 1986 to 1992. She “remained silent” in board meetings as her company “waged a major campaign against labor unions seeking to represent store workers,” as an ABC review of video recordings later noted.
Clinton recounted in her 2003 book that Walmart CEO Sam Walton “taught me a great deal about corporate integrity and success.” Though she later began trying to shed her public identification with the company in order to attract labor support for her Senate and presidential candidacies, Walmart executives have continued to look favorably on her, with Alice Walton donating the maximum amount to the “Ready for Hillary” Super PAC in 2013. Walton’s $25,000 donation was considerably higher than the average annual salary for Walmart’s hourly employees, two-thirds of whom are women.
After leaving Walmart, Clinton became perhaps the most active First Lady in history. While it would be unfair to hold her responsible for all her husband’s policies, she did play a significant role in shaping and justifying many of them. In her 2003 memoir she boasted of her role in gutting U.S. welfare: “By the time Bill and I left the White House, welfare rolls had dropped 60 percent”—and not because poverty had dropped. Women and children, the main recipients of welfare, have been the primary victims. Jeffrey St. Clair at Counterpunch notes that prior to the welfare reform, “more than 70 percent of poor families with children received some kind of cash assistance. By 2010, less than 30 percent got any kind of cash aid and the amount of the benefit had declined by more than 50 percent from pre-reform levels.”
Clinton also lobbied Congress to pass her husband’s deeply racist crime bill, which, observes Michelle Alexander in The New Jim Crow, “escalated the drug war beyond what conservatives had imagined possible,” expanding mass incarceration and the death penalty.
Arguably the two most defining features of Clinton’s tenures as Senator (2001-2009) and Secretary of State (2009-2013) were her promotion of U.S. corporate profit-making and her aggressive assertion of the U.S. government’s right to intervene in foreign countries. Reflecting on this performance as Clinton left her Secretary post in January 2013, Bloomberg Businessweek commented that “Clinton turned the State Department into a machine for promoting U.S. business.” She sought “to install herself as the government’s highest-ranking business lobbyist,” directly negotiating lucrative overseas contracts for U.S. corporations like Boeing, Lockheed, and General Electric. Not surprisingly, “Clinton’s corporate cheerleading has won praise from business groups.”
Clinton herself has been very honest about this aim, albeit not when speaking in front of progressives. Her 2011 Foreign Policy essay on “America’s Pacific Century” spoke at length about the objective of “opening new markets for American businesses,” containing no fewer than ten uses of the phrases “open markets,” “open trade,” and permutations thereof. A major focus of this effort is the Trans-Pacific Partnership involving twelve Pacific countries that is now being negotiated secretively by the Obama administration with the assistance of over 600 corporate “advisors.” Like Bill Clinton’s NAFTA, the deal is intended to further empower multinational corporations at the expense of workers, consumers, and the environment in all countries involved. Lower wages and increased rates of displacement, detention, and physical violence for female and LGBT populations are among the likely consequences, given the results of existing “free-trade” agreements.
Clinton’s article also elaborated on the role of U.S. military power in advancing these economic goals. The past “growth” of eastern Asia has depended on “the security and stability that has long been guaranteed by the U.S. military,” and “a more broadly distributed military presence across the region will provide vital advantages” in the future. Clinton thus reaffirmed the bipartisan consensus on the U.S. right to use military force abroad in pursuit of economic interest--echoing, for instance, her husband’s Secretary of Defense William Cohen, who in 1999 reserved the right to “the unilateral use of military power” in the name of “ensuring uninhibited access to key markets, energy supplies, and strategic resources.”
In the Middle East and Central Asia, Clinton has likewise defended the U.S. right to violate international law and human rights. As Senator she not only voted in favor of the illegal 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq—a monstrous crime that has killed hundreds of thousands of people while sowing terror and sectarianism across the region—she was an outspoken advocate of the invasion and a fierce critic of resistance within the United Nations. Since then she has only partially disavowed that position (out of political expediency) while speaking in paternalistic and racist terms about Iraqis. Senator Clinton was an especially staunch supporter—even by the standards of the U.S. Congress—of Israel’s illegal military actions and settlement activity in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
Hillary Clinton and Benjamin Netanyahu.
As Barack Obama’s Secretary of State, she presided over the expansion of illegal drone attacks that by conservative estimates have killed many hundreds of civilians, while reaffirming U.S. alliances with vicious dictatorships. As she recounts in her 2014 memoir Hard Choices, “In addition to our work with the Israelis, the Obama Administration also increased America’s own sea and air presence in the Persian Gulf and deepened our ties to the Gulf monarchies.”
Clinton herself is widely recognized to have been one of the administration’s most forceful advocates of attacking or expanding military operations in Afghanistan, Libya, and Syria and of strengthening U.S. ties to dictatorships in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Morocco, and elsewhere. Maybe the women and girls of these countries, including those whose lives have been destroyed by U.S. bombs, can take comfort in knowing that a “feminist” helped craft U.S. policy.
Secretary Clinton and her team worked to ensure that any challenges to U.S.-Israeli domination of the Middle East were met with brute force and/or various forms of collective punishment. On Iran, she often echoes the bipartisan line that “all options must remain on the table”—a flagrant violation of the UN Charter’s prohibition of “the threat or use of force” in international relations—and brags in Hard Choices that her team “successfully campaigned around the world to impose crippling sanctions” on the country.
She ensured that Palestine’s UN statehood bid “went nowhere in the Security Council.” Though out of office by the time of Israel’s savage 2014 assault on Gaza, she ardently defended it in interviews. This context helps explain her recent praise for Henry Kissinger, renowned for bombing civilians and supporting regimes that killed and tortured hundreds of thousands of suspected dissidents. She writes in the Washington Post that she “relied on his counsel when I served as secretary of state.”
Militarization and Its Benefits
In another domain of traditional U.S. ownership, Latin America, Clinton also seems to have followed Kissinger’s example. As confirmed in her 2014 book, she effectively supported the 2009 military overthrow of left-of-center Honduran President Manuel Zelaya—a “caricature of a Central American strongman”—by pushing for a “compromise” solution that endorsed his illegal ouster. She has advocated the application of the Colombia model—highly militarized “anti-drug” initiatives coupled with neoliberal economic policies—to other countries in the region, and is full of praise for the devastating militarization of Mexico over the past decade. In Mexico that model has resulted in 80,000 or more deaths since 2006, including the 43 Mexican student activists disappeared (and presumably massacred) in September 2014.
In the Caribbean, the U.S. model of choice is Haiti, where Clinton and her husband have relentlessly promoted the sweatshop model of production since the 1990s. WikiLeaks documents show that in 2009 her State Department collaborated with subcontractors for Hanes, Levi’s, and Fruit of the Loom to oppose a minimum wage increase for Haitian workers. After the January 2010 earthquake she helped spearhead the highly militarized U.S. response.
Militarization has plentiful benefits, as Clinton understands. It can facilitate corporate investment, such as the “gold rush” that the U.S. ambassador described following the Haiti earthquake. It can keep in check nonviolent dissidents, such as hungry Haitian workers or leftist students in Mexico. And it can help combat the influence of countries like Venezuela which have challenged neoliberalism and U.S. geopolitical control.
These goals have long motivated U.S. hostility toward Cuba, and thus Clinton’s recent call for ending the U.S. embargo against Cuba was pragmatic, not principled: “It wasn’t achieving its goals” of overthrowing the government, as she says in her recent book. The goal there, as in Venezuela, is to compel the country to “restore private property and return to a free market economy,” as she demanded of Venezuela in 2010.
A reasonable synopsis of Clinton’s record around the world comes from neoconservative policy advisor Robert Kagan, who, like Clinton, played an important role in advocating the 2003 Iraq invasion. “I feel comfortable with her on foreign policy,” Kagan told the New York Times last June. Asked what to expect from a Hillary Clinton presidency, Kagan predicted that “[i]f she pursues a policy which we think she will pursue, it’s something that might have been called neocon.” But, he added, “clearly her supporters are not going to call it that; they are going to call it something else.”
Women’s and LGBT Rights, Narrowly Defined
What about Clinton’s record on that narrower set of issues more commonly associated with women’s and LGBT rights—control over one’s reproductive system and freedom from discrimination and sexual violence? Perhaps the best that can be said is that Clinton does not espouse the medieval view of female bodily autonomy shared by most Republicans, and does not actively encourage homophobia and transphobia. She has consistently said that abortion should remain legal (but “rare”) and that birth control should be widely available, and when in office generally acted in accord with those statements. She has recently voiced support for gay marriage rights. These positions are worth something, even if they are mainly a reflection of pressure from below.
But nor does her record on these rights merit glowing praise. In addition to partly capitulating to the far-right anti-choice agenda in Congress, with disproportionate harm to low-income parents, Clinton and other Democrats have also actively undermined these rights. Some observers have argued that Clinton’s repetition of the Democratic slogan that abortion should be “safe, legal, and rare” reinforces the stigmatization of those who choose that option.
Her narrow definition of reproductive rights—as abortion and contraception only—does not allow much in the way of material support for parents or young children. She insists that abortion must remain “rare,” but has also helped deprive poor expecting parents of the financial support they would need to raise a child (for instance, through the 1996 welfare reform and the fiscal austerity regarding social programs that has become the bipartisan consensus in Washington). She has supported the further militarization of the Mexico border and the arrest of undocumented immigrants, undermining the reproductive rights of women who give birth in chains in detention centers before being deported back to lives of poverty and violence.
Regarding non-discrimination, Clinton’s record is also worse than her reputation suggests. Her old company Walmart, widely accused of discriminating against women employees, was recently praised by the Clinton Foundation for its “efforts to empower girls and women.” Clinton has given little serious indication that she opposes discrimination against LGBT individuals in the workplace (which is still legal in the majority of U.S. states). Her very recent reversal of her opposition to gay marriage came only after support for the idea has become politically beneficial and perhaps necessary for Democrats. At best, Clinton in these respects has been a cautious responder to progressive political winds rather than a trailblazing leader.
Clinton’s foreign policy record is even more at odds with her reputation as a champion of women’s and LGBT rights. Her policy of support for the 2009 coup in Honduras has been disastrous for both groups. Violent hate crimes against LGBT Hondurans have skyrocketed. In mid-2014, leading LGBT activist Nelson Arambú reported 176 murders against LGBT individuals since 2009, an average of about 35 per year, compared to just over one per year in the period 1994-2009.
Arambú located this violence within the broader human rights nightmare of post-coup Honduras, noting the contributions of U.S.-funded militarization and the post-coup regimes’ pattern of “shutting down government institutions charged with promoting and protecting the human rights of vulnerable sectors of the population—such as women, children, indigenous communities, and Afro-Hondurans.” Clinton has been worse than silent on the situation, actively supporting and praising the post-coup governments.
In a review of her work as Secretary of State, Middle East scholar Stephen Zunes concludes that while “Hillary Clinton has been more outspoken than any previous Secretary of State regarding the rights of women and sexual minorities,” this position is “more rhetoric than reality.” As one example he points to the U.S.-backed monarchy in Morocco, which has long occupied Western Sahara with U.S. support. Two weeks after Secretary Clinton publicly praised the dictatorship for having “protected and expanded” women’s rights, a teenage girl named Amina Filali committed suicide by taking rat poison. Filali had been raped at age 15 and then “forced to marry her rapist, who subsequently battered and abused her.”
Although Clinton’s liberal supporters are likely to lament such details as exceptions within an impressive overall record (“She’s still much better than a Republican!”), it is quite possible that her actions have harmed feminist movements worldwide. As Zunes argues:
Given Clinton’s backing of neo-liberal economic policies and war-making by the United States and its allies, her advocacy of women’s rights overseas…may have actually set back indigenous feminist movements in the same way that the Bush administration’s ‘democracy-promotion’ agenda was a serious setback to popular struggles for freedom and democracy….Hillary Clinton’s call for greater respect for women’s rights in Muslim countries never had much credibility while US-manufactured ordinance is blowing up women in Lebanon, Gaza, Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Threading Needles This summary of Clinton’s “enormous contributions” (Feminists for Clinton) is just a partial sampling. On almost all other major issues, from climate change to immigration to education to financial regulation, President Hillary Clinton would likely be no better than President Obama, if not worse. As in the case of Obama, it is of course necessary for Clinton to “call it something else,” in Robert Kagan’s words. The stark disjunction between rhetoric and policies reflects a well understood logic. Mainstream U.S. political candidates, particularly Democrats, must find ways to attract popular support while simultaneously reassuring corporate and financial elites.
The latter, for their part, usually understand the need for a good dose of “populism” during a campaign, and accept it as long as it stays within certain bounds and is not reflected in policy itself. One former aide to Bill Clinton, speaking to The Hill last July, compared this rhetorical strategy to threading a needle, saying that “good politicians—and I think Hillary is a good politician—are good at threading needles, and I think there’s probably a way to do it.”
Hillary Clinton faces the challenge of convincing voters that she is a champion of “people historically excluded,” as she claims in her 2014 memoir. The Hill reported that “Clinton is now test-driving various campaign themes,” including the familiar progressive promises to “increase upward mobility” and “decrease inequality.” Her memoirs, for those who dare to suffer through them, include invocations of dead leftists like Frederick Douglass, Harriet Tubman (“one of my heroines”), and Martin Luther King, Jr. (referenced nine times in Clinton’s 2003 book).
This public relations work requires that her past record be hidden from view, lest it create a credibility problem. Here Clinton has enjoyed the assistance of many liberal feminists. One former Obama staffer, speaking to The Hill, notes Clinton’s successful efforts “to co-opt the base groups in the past eight years.”
Rhetoric is not totally meaningless. The extent to which politicians like Clinton have been compelled to portray themselves—however cynically—as champions of the rights of workers, women, LGBT people, and other “historically excluded” groups is an indication that popular pressures for those rights have achieved substantial force. In the case of LGBT rights this rhetorical shift is very recent, and reflects a growth in the movement’s power that is to be celebrated. But taking politicians’ rhetoric at face value is one of the gravest errors that a progressive can make.
The Feminists Not Invited
Liberal feminists’ support of Hillary Clinton is not just due to credulousness, though. It also reflects a narrowness of analysis, vision, and values. In this country feminism is often understood as the right of women—and wealthy white women most of all—to share in the spoils of corporate capitalism and U.S. imperial power. By not confronting the exclusion of non-whites, foreigners, working-class people, and other groups from this vision, liberal feminists are missing a crucial opportunity to create a more inclusive, more powerful movement.
Alternative currents within the feminist movement, both here and globally, have long rejected this impoverished understanding of feminism. For them, feminism means confronting patriarchy but also capitalism, imperialism, white supremacy, and other forms of oppression that interlock with and reinforce patriarchy. It means fighting to replace a system in which the rights of people and other living things are systematically subordinated to the quest for profits. It means fighting so that all people—everywhere on the gender, sexual and body spectrum—can enjoy basic rights like food, health care, housing, a safe and clean environment, and control over their bodies, labor, and identities.
This more holistic feminist vision is apparent all around the world, including among the women of places like Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Iran, whose oppression is constantly evoked by Western leaders to justify war and occupation. The courageous Pakistani teenager Malala Yousafzai, awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her feminist advocacy, has also criticized illegal U.S. drone attacks for killing civilians and aiding terrorist recruitment. Yousafzai’s opposition to the Taliban won her adoring Western media coverage and an invitation to the Obama White House, but her criticism of drones has gone virtually unmentioned in the corporate media. Also unmentioned are her comments about socialism, which she says “is the only answer” to “free us from the chains of bigotry and exploitation.”
The Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) has equally opposed the Taliban, U.S.-backed fundamentalist forces, and the U.S. occupation. While liberal groups like Feminist Majority have depicted the U.S. war as a noble crusade to protect Afghan women, RAWA says that the United States “has empowered and equipped the most traitorous, anti-democratic, misogynist and corrupt fundamentalist gangs in Afghanistan,” merely “replacing one fundamentalist regime with another.”
The logic is simple: U.S. elites prefer the “bloody and suffocating rule of Afghanistan” by fundamentalist warlords “to an independent, pro-democracy, and pro-women’s rights government” that might jeopardize “its interests in the region.” Women’s liberation, RAWA emphasizes, “can be achieved only by the people of Afghanistan and by democracy-loving forces through a hard, decisive and long struggle” (RAWA.org). Needless to say, Clinton and Obama have not invited the RAWA women to Washington.
A group of Iranian and Iranian-American feminists, the Raha Iranian Feminist Collective, takes a similar position in relation to their own country. In 2011 it bitterly condemned the Ahmadinejad regime’s systematic violations of women’s rights (and those of other groups), but just as forcefully condemned “all forms of US intervention,” including the “crippling sanctions” that Hillary Clinton is so proud of her role in implementing. The group said that sanctions “further immiserate the very people they claim to be helping,” and noted that few if any genuine grassroots voices in Iran had “called for or supported the US/UN/EU sanctions.”
In Latin America, too, many working-class feminists argue that the fight for gender and sexual liberation is inseparable from the struggles for self-determination and a just economic system. Speaking to NACLA Report on the Americas, Venezuelan organizer Yanahir Reyes recently lauded “all of the social policy” that has “focused on liberating women” under Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro, those evil autocrats so despised by Hillary Clinton. Reyes emphasized the importance of independent feminist organizing: “Women from the feminist struggle have effectively brought to light the importance of dismantling a patriarchal system,” thus pushing Chavismo in a more feminist direction. “It is a very hard internal fight,” says Reyes, but “this is the space where we can achieve it”—under a government sympathetic to socialism, “not in a different form of government.”
This tradition of more holistic feminisms is not absent from the United States. In the 19th century, Black women like Ida B. Wells and Sojourner Truth linked the struggles for abolition and suffrage and denounced the lynching campaigns that murdered black men and women in the name of “saving” white women. In contrast, leaders of the white suffrage movement like Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony refused to include people of color in the struggle for citizenship rights. Unfortunately this history continues to be distorted. In 2008 Gloria Steinem, the standard bearer of liberal feminism, said that she supported Clinton’s campaign over Obama’s in part because “Black men were given the vote a half-century before women of any race were allowed to mark a ballot.”
The assumption that all women are equally oppressed by patriarchy (and that all men are equal oppressors) was fiercely challenged by U.S. women of color, working-class women, and lesbians in the 1970s and 1980s. Feminists of color analyzed their gender and sexual oppression within the larger history of U.S. slavery, capitalism, and empire. In New York the women of the Young Lords Party pushed their organization to denounce forced sterilizations of women of color, to demand safe and accessible abortion and contraception, and to call for community-controlled clinics. They redefined reproductive rights as the right to abortion and contraception and the right to have children without living in poverty.
In recent years, a radical LGBT movement has fought for reforms like marriage equality while also moving beyond marriage and condemning how the state, from prisons to the military, is the biggest perpetrator of violence against gender and sexual non-conforming peoples, particularly trans women of color and undocumented queers. These queer radicals reject the logic that casts the United States and Israel as tolerant while characterizing occupied territories, from U.S. to Palestinian ghettoes, as inherently homophobic and in need of military and other outside intervention. They condemn U.S. wars and the Obama administration’s persecution of whistleblowers like Chelsea Manning (who helped expose, among other U.S. crimes, military orders to ignore the sexual abuse of Iraqi detainees and the trafficking of Afghan children).
A more robust vision of feminism doesn’t mean that we shouldn’t defend women like Hillary Clinton against sexist attacks: we should, just as we defend Barack Obama against racist ones. But it does mean that we must listen to the voices of the most marginalized women and gender and sexual minorities—many of whom are extremely critical of Clintonite feminism—and act in solidarity with movements that seek equity in all realms of life and for all people. These are the feminists not invited to the Hillary Clinton party, except perhaps to serve and clean up.
Kevin Young is an independent historian and journalist based in El Salvador. Diana C. Sierra Becerra is a doctoral candidate in History and Women’s Studies at the University of Michigan. They belong to the Organization for a Free Society.