KNOW WHAT FAR-RIGHT GLOBAL 1% WALL STREET AUTHORITARIAN, MILITARISTIC, AUSTERE, EXTREME WEALTH AND EXTREME POVERTY ALWAYS LOOKS LIKE? EITHER A MAO/STALIN MARXISM----OR A RELIGIOUS THEOCRACY.
If religion is allowed in a ONE WORLD ONE GOVERNANCE ----it will not be freedom of religion ----
So, Trump's Pence who is NOT RELIGIOUS but pretends to be a CATHOLIC----OPUS DEI------has the job of whipping up all kinds of religious passions across the US all tied to pushing harder at global corporate charter chain policy installation. Watch out =====because just as throwing a few million at small businesses when they privatized and outsourced all that was our public agencies-----then handed all this to global corporations-----so too will these religious schools be thrown to the curb.
We talk mostly of global Catholic education corporations because the Catholic Church has been at this for 2 thousand years. Most laypeople of every religious group WHO ARE REALLY PIOUS-----know the folks at the national and global level are TEAM GLOBAL WALL STREET 1%. It does not end well when we do not have SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE----and these national and global religious leaders KNOW THIS.
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When we speak of our K-12 public schools having 'PUBLIC CHARTERS' building their own internal global corporate school boards-------we already have in place this growing system of religious schools also having their own private school boards. Polls show very low support for religious school growth at the expense of killing our public schools. The 5% to the 1% are the ones fueling these positions. What happens as Federal funding through vouchers becomes more and more selective and exclusive----AS THIS WILL-----do we think religious tensions will flare as groups fight for a piece of this expansion funding?
OF COURSE THEY WILL---THAT IS THE GOAL OF ONE WORLD ONE GOVERNANCE GLOBAL CORPORATE RULE----
We have seen this same tactic these several decades across Asia----Latin America----lately Africa----all preceding the installation of Foreign Economic Zones.
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Every independent data group looking at privatization by K-12 charters including religious schools has found records being LOUSY. As this article states Pence is that same CLINTON/BUSH/OBAMA longterm Republican poser -------working for global Wall Street ---ALEC is that global corporate think tank writing all public policy having global WAll Street pols pushing POSING CONSERVATIVE and POSING SOCIAL PROGRESSIVE policy. Pence is 100% global Wall Street and ONE WORLD ONE GOVERNANCE----and like CLINTON/OBAMA is POSING for Republican religious conservatives.
Like the education policies directed at low-income city schools as good for poor students--when all they are doing is deregulating and dismantling public school structures----so too is Pence doing the same for religious school supporters.
PLEASE DO NOT GET CAUGHT IN WHAT IS SIMPLY POSING-----THINK ABOUT A ONE WORLD ONE GOVERNANCE EXTREME WEALTH AND EXTREME POVERTY----WILL THEY REALLY TAKE THE TIME TO PROTECT RELIGIOUS FREEDOMS? Of course not.
It does not take a rocket scientist to understand these goals and any religious leaders pushing these privatization policies are 5% to the 1% religious leaders----working for the global rich.
We have always had religious freedoms----any religion free to open schools attached to religious buildings-----they are MOVING FORWARD in ending these religious freedoms with these policies.
Mike Pence Loves ALEC and Keeps Pushing Public School Privatization, Despite Lousy Indiana Record With Charters and Vouchers
Trump's VP pick won't give up on charter schools where "Nothing is taught... nothing is learned,” as an inside source said.
By Steven Rosenfeld / AlterNet
August 4, 2016
Mike Pence is a hardcore right-winger playing the long game, especially when it comes to privatizing public schools.
It’s not just that the Republican vice-presidential nominee and Indiana governor last weekend told a roomful of deregulation-obsessed executives and lobbyists in Indianapolis, “You are the model for Washington, D.C., after this election. You really are.”
The nation is “at a fork in the road,” Pence said at the American Legislative Exchange Council’s annual meeting, referring not only to who would be president for the next four years but who would control the Supreme Court for the “next 40 years.”
The choice is “whether we will have justices appointed to the Supreme Court, as my partner in this endeavor is committed to doing, that reflect the brilliance and the greatness and the principles of the late justice Antonin Scalia,” he said. “So I would say to all of you, for the sake of the rule of law, for the sake of the sanctity of life, for the sake of our Second Amendment and all of our God-given liberties, we must ensure that the next president making appointments to the Supreme Court of the United States of America is President Donald Trump.”
Pence was no stranger to the stage of ALEC, a corporate-funded behemoth that drafts bills and finds right-wing lawmakers to carry them. He’s been an ALEC fixture for years, touting deregulation, privatization and extreme social conservatism. But he’s best-known for a personal focus on supplanting traditional public education, notably embracing taxpayer-funded vouchers so parents can send kids to K-12 private schools and aggressively expanding privately run charter public schools.
As is typical at ALEC, Pence praised enterprise and deregulation, and said a Trump administration would result in "empowering states with resources and flexibility.” But a closer look at his Indiana record of privatizing education, where the ALEC model has been in play, has shown it to be a brazen and failed experiment.
Charter School and Voucher Problems
A recent National Public Radio profile of Pence’s education record noted that he has been one of the leading governors pushing K-12 privatization. “Under Gov. Pence, the growth in the number of charter schools and the use of private school vouchers have exploded,” it said. “After the voucher program survived a state Supreme Court challenge in 2013, it's grown into one of the largest in the country. Pence helped to do that by advocating to expand the program to include middle-income, not just low-income families, and also by removing the cap on how many students qualify.”
Yet this May, when WTHR, Indianapolis’ NBC-TV affiliate, looked at the charter school experiment, it found that “nearly half of the state's 76 charter schools are doing poorly or failing.” The scores were based on the state’s new accountability standards.
In one example, reporters quoted sources from Indiana Science Academy West who said, "Nothing is taught... nothing is learned,” and cited "unlicensed teachers,” high staff turnover and a textbook shortage. But under Indiana law, it noted, “Those [charters] failing year after year, not only get a second chance but can fail six consecutive years before the state steps in.”
That investigative report was not unique, but it is quite a counterpoint to the rhetoric from Pence and the K-12 privatization movement that traditional schools are failing and that charters and vouchers are the answer.
At ALEC, the education agenda also includes tax credits to send children to private schools, impeding and dismantling labor unions, and creating new state agencies to overrule locally elected school boards and communities.
Soon after Pence gave a keynote at a 2013 ALEC summit, the group published its annual “Report Card on American Education.”
Pence wrote the 2014 report’s introduction, boasting, “We enacted the most ambitious school choice program in the country in 2011. Last year, nearly 20,000 low-income Hoosiers used vouchers, or what we call Choice Scholarships, to attend the school of their choice—a 500 percent increase from the year before. This year the number of applications has grown to nearly 30,000. In addition to the School Choice Scholarships, more than 35,000 Indiana students are attending public charter schools across our state.”
But Indiana’s record on vouchers has been problematic. A May 2016 Brookings Institution report on vouchers in Indiana and Louisiana slammed the programs. In both states, “research… has found that public school students that received vouchers to attend private schools subsequently scored lower on reading and math tests compared to similar students that remained in public schools. The magnitudes of the negative impacts were large.”
Moreover, traditional public schools were doing a better job than voucher counterparts when it came to educating poorer students. “It is at least plausible that Louisiana and Indiana public schools have surpassed their private schools (for low-income students),” Brookings said.
Nonetheless, this year Pence is spending more money on vouchers than his state legislature appropriated, underscoring his zealotry as a pro-privatization ideologue.
Protecting Investors, Not Students
Meanwhile, under Pence the state has gone out of its way to keep failing charters from closing. Like many states that have granted the industry wide license, under Pence the various players in his state’s charter sector—a mix of private and public institutions--don’t want to close failing schools but instead look for new managers to run the schools and new regulators to sign off.
One Indiana public radio station, WFYI, called this tactic “authorizer shopping.” The highest-profile example was Thea Bowman Leadership Academy in Gary, Indiana, where problems ranged from low student test scores to deep governance issues, such as high staff turnover, not satisfying federal education standards and no terms for charter board members.
As WFYI reported this year, in 2013 seven “chronically failing schools were denied reauthorization from Ball State [University, their founding sponsor], yet three of the schools were granted new charters from a different authorizer to remain open.” That led the legislature to pass a law to require the state Board of Education to approve any such reprieve, a policy that sounds like state accountability but in practice minimizes input from locally elected school boards. The state Board approved it in June.
But the negative impacts of these privatization experiments go beyond vouchers and charter schools. Diverting millions of taxpayer dollars to private, often religious schools takes resources away from traditional public schools. Pence, additionally, has created new state low-interest loans to benefit charters, and his last state budget included a new $1,500-per-student allocation to charters for non-academic expenses. His GOP majority legislature scaled it back to $500 per student.
According to the Washington Post, the cumulative negative impacts of privatization have created a shortage of qualified public school teachers in Indiana. “What’s going on? Pretty much the same thing as in Arizona, Kansas and other states where teachers are fleeing: a combination of under-resourced schools, the loss of job protections, unfair teacher evaluation methods, an increase in the amount of mandated standardized testing and the loss of professional autonomy,” the Post's education blogger wrote last year.
“According to the Indianapolis Star, the Republican chairmen of the House and Senate education committees have asked General Assembly leaders to approve having the legislative education study committee review what is causing the drop and how the state could respond,” the Post continued. “For one thing, they can look in the mirror. The Republican leadership of the state—including Gov. Mike Pence—showed their respect for teachers by working very hard this year to strip power from Indiana Superintendent of Public Instruction Glenda Ritz, a veteran educator who won election to the post in 2012 (by defeating Tony Bennett, the incumbent who was a protege of former Florida governor Jeb Bush). Oh, by the way, she is a Democrat.”
The pattern under Pence continues. Under the state’s new public school funding formula, richer school districts will get more money and poorer districts less, another education blogger noted. WaPo's education blogger summed it up like this: “For 2015-17, the state legislature gave less funding to urban schools and more to charter schools and private schools that accept students with vouchers.”
In other words, while Pence preaches privatization as the cure-all for K-12 education, his state's traditional school system is being undermined and supplanted, and the privateers' gains are the public's losses.
In recent years, Pence has been a featured speaker at libertarian forums to promote this agenda; audiences love the rhetoric but pay little attention to the resulting reality on the ground. Before Pence was named Trump's running mate, he attended a Republican Governors Association luncheon at David Koch's mansion in Florida with "about 60 wealthy backers.” And since joining the ticket, he was a "featured guest" at the Koch brothers network's semiannual libertarian donor retreat in Colorado.
Which means Pence has become perhaps the nation's top evangelist for ALEC and education privateers across America.
As Obama came to office with Race to the Top sending hundreds of billions of our Federal public school funding to building global corporate neo-liberal online education formats----pushing it through in what was ILLEGAL tactics of requiring states to fight for selected funding-------
ALL OF THOSE TACTICS USED BY OBAMA WITH RACE TO THE TOP WERE ILLEGAL---
now Trump and Pence will do with religious schools and vouchers----remember, the Federal government has in modern times sent funding to each public school equally -----far-right 1% Wall STreet global corporate CLINTON/BUSH/OBAMA---NOW TRUMP are completely dismantling this with privatization K-12 ---MOVING FORWARD global corporate neo-liberal global corporate campus schools ONLY.
The American people largely have no idea where or what public policy has as a goal-----we are all listening to these Wall Street players tell us one thing and doing another---because they work for the global 1% ---
Back in the DARK AGES----when global merchant families had their CITY STATES-----they called themselves EXCEPTIONAL---the rich were the only ones educated in public policy----humanities and arts---and the church educated the 99% through grade school and then OFF TO THOSE TRADE APPRENTICESHIPS WITH YOU.
The selling of the policy goal of giving parents more choice----while working hard for GLOBAL COMMON CORE----GLOBAL CORPORATE NEO-LIBERAL ONLINE EDUCATION----GLOBAL RANKINGS FOR STOCK MARKET VALUES ON THESE CORPORATE SCHOOLS----
We will not have HOMESCHOOLS----we will not have community charters----we will not have open religious schools---and all of the above would never teach students TO BE CITIZENS.
Trump administration could boost Texas voucher push
A Trump administration may put wind in the sails of Texas lawmakers pushing for "school choice," allowing parents to use taxpayer money to send their children to charter, private and religious schools.
by Aliyya Swaby Nov. 19, 2016 12:01 AM
Donald Trump rallies a crowd of veterans at Drake University on Jan. 28, 2016, while other Republican presidential candidates hold a final Des Moines debate prior to the Iowa caucuses. Bob Daemmrich for The Texas Tribune
Texas advocates for private school vouchers and charter school expansion may have reason to be excited come January.
President-elect Donald Trump hasn’t said much about his education policy plans, but one priority he's singled out for his first 100 days in office is “school choice” reform, allowing parents to tap public money to send their children somewhere besides traditional public schools. That, combined with his stated desire to decrease federal control in favor of state regulation, could mean more political momentum for pro-voucher, pro-charter advocates.
Trump included a section in his 100-day plan called the “School Choice and Education Opportunity Act” which would redirect federal education dollars so parents can send their kids to public, private, charter, magnet, religious or home schools of their choice.
During his campaign, he said the federal government would contribute $20 billion in redirected funds, on top of $110 billion of state funding, to provide $12,000 in "school choice funds" to every low-income K-12 student.
Texas' top officials support increasing charter school options, with Gov. Greg Abbott calling for an expansion of charter schools in the state. But they are divided on private school vouchers, with the Senate regularly passing — and the House regularly rejecting — related bills. Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick has made "private school choice" one of his top 10 priorities for the 2017 legislative session and is expected to introduce a pro-voucher bill. Abbott has stayed quiet on the issue of school choice in relation to education savings accounts, which would allow parents to pay for private school and other education expenses using debit cards loaded with tax money.
WAIT----ISN'T THE GOAL OF K-12 PUBLIC SCHOOL PRIVATIZATION THAT ALL SCHOOLS WILL BE PRIVATE? OH, THATS WHY THEY ARE DOING EDUCATION SAVINGS ACCOUNTS.
State teacher associations have regularly spoken out against private school vouchers. “Regardless of what Trump will do or won’t do on vouchers, we will continue to fight vouchers very, very strongly because they’re a bad idea,” said Texas State Teachers Association spokesman Clay Robison.
Lobbying group Texans for Education Opportunity called Trump’s plan the start of an “education revolution taking place in America,” in a blog post last week. TEO recently hired veteran GOP operative John Colyandro to lead its fight for education savings accounts.
“Regardless of what Trump will do or won’t do on vouchers, we will continue to fight vouchers very, very strongly because they’re a bad idea.”— Clay Robison, Texas State Teachers Association
“Both Trump and [Vice President-elect Mike] Pence consider school choice as a vehicle to help improve inner cities and to provide options particularly for low-income families trapped in failing schools,” TEO’s post reads.
Trump has also vowed to scale back the federal Department of Education, giving states more flexibility on regulating education policy. “We could see changes to regulations or changes to the laws that allow states to use federal money,” said Harvard professor Paul Peterson, senior editor of the education policy journal Education Next.
His administration could direct federal money to states prioritizing vouchers and charters, Peterson said. And states may have more freedom to decide what to do with that funding.
Texas would likely be considered a “choice-oriented state,” eligible for that money, said Lori Taylor of the Texas Smart Schools Initiative, which rates districts and campuses by their financial efficiency. President-elect Trump could redirect funds such as Title I, which goes specifically to districts with low-income and special-needs students, to incentivize states to fall in line with "school choice."
“It’s not clear how quickly or with how much flexibility the president could redirect those funds,” Taylor said. And the amount of money redirected would likely be small.
But the financial incentive could stir up “more viable proposals” for private school vouchers in Texas, she said.
Texas State Teachers Association’s Robison said he hopes Texas will stay voucher-free — and that a Trump administration would not reproach the state for it. “We’d hope that if Trump tries to propose vouchers that he would not penalize the states that will not adopt them,” he said.
Here in Baltimore we are seeing lots of Texan and Indianian citizens moving in-----and we hope they are coming to STOP what has taken their education systems---not to install them in other states. Remember, the goal is to break down what the teaching profession looks like----as classrooms will simply have education techs-----part time or temporary ----rotating through simply tasked with facilitating on-line prefab education curricula written by a global 1% and their 2% make millionaires and being called the BEST AT WRITING COMMON CORE CURRICULA.
This article shows the progression. The media is saying OH, WELL, THOSE LAZY TEACHERS NOT WANTING ALL THIS COMMON CORE, RACE TO THE TOP TESTING AND EVALUATION---ALL THESE CUTS TO SALARIES AND THE JUNK BONDING OF THEIR PUBLIC PENSIONS-----we need to find a better way to teach our children-----
“We could see changes to regulations or changes to the laws that allow states to use federal money,” said Harvard professor Paul Peterson, senior editor of the education policy journal Education Next'.
EDUCATION NEXT LIKE EDUCATION WEEK are both global 1% Wall Street education media-----look to REAL parent/academic activists for real public policy discussions.
Bangert: Education reform’s next trick? Teacher shortage
Dave Bangert, The Lafayette Journal & Courier, email@example.com 5:11 p.m. EDT August 2, 2015
Buy Photo(Photo: Charlie Nye / The Star file photo)
What sort of gymnastics will state lawmakers try to pull off at this point to remedy a looming teacher shortage after years of running off potential, young candidates by convincing Hoosiers that public schools were essentially broken?
And will they actually be willing to shoulder some of the blame?
We’re about to find out.
Last week, the chairmen of the Indiana House and Indiana Senate education committees asked House Speaker Brian Bosma for a summer study into the creeping ambivalence to the teaching profession. It’s a situation that has depleted the ranks of undergrads studying education in state universities and put some districts on their heels when it comes to recruiting for open positions.
In their letter to Bosma, Rep. Robert Behning and Sen. Dennis Kruse laid out numbers that have pricked up ears in recent months. New data from the state show that “licenses issued to first-time teachers (have) declined from 16,578 in 2010 to 6,174 in 2014.”
“We think,” Behning and Kruse wrote, “it would be wise for the Indiana General Assembly to proactively address this issue.”
Indiana faces shortage of first-time teachers
The biting commentary came right away from teachers, who have been bristling under state-pushed reforms — the killing of collective bargaining, the rise of private school vouchers, pay raises tied in part to student performance on standardized tests and more — put into high gear in 2010.
“It’s not that hard to figure out,” said Randy Studt, a German teacher at West Lafayette High School. “We could get this problem sorted out in, I don’t know, an afternoon. … The fact that they’re just now realizing this is a problem? Come on. Look in a mirror, you guys. Listen to what you’ve been telling Indiana — and what you’ve been telling teachers, in particular.”
Maybe a decent place to start would be with a recording from the May 14 Purdue University trustees meeting. That day, College of Education Dean Maryann Santos de Barona laid out the situation on the West Lafayette campus, where undergraduate enrollment in her school is down 33 percent since 2010.
Santos de Barona talked about starting pay that forced some teachers, early in their careers, to pick up second jobs to make ends meet. She talked about the message sent when schools were growingly reluctant to give a classroom over to a student teacher because the stakes were so high. And she talked about how each twitch by the Statehouse raised new doubts of trust and worth in classrooms.
She was clear: This was a national issue, playing out not just at Purdue or other campuses in Indiana.
“Our profession is at a critical juncture,” Santos de Barona told Purdue trustees. “The pervasive negativity about the teaching profession, and the misconception that education is broken, has resulted in increased pressures on practicing teachers.”
Purdue President Mitch Daniels, former governor during Indiana’s ramp up on school reform, didn’t have much to say about all that.
Will legislators offer something more?
In Tippecanoe County, the practical effects of a teacher shortage seem to be more distant than immediate, to hear administrators dealing with hiring and training talk about it.
They see it. But they can manage it. For now.
Scott Hanback, Tippecanoe School Corp. superintendent, said he’s confident TSC is getting good, quality candidates — although the numbers of candidates for each elementary position have dropped from 90 to 30 in the past five or so years. And searches have grown wider as the pool shrinks.
“Teaching is still the best profession out there,” Hanback said. “It’s a calling. … The effects of reform, that’s starting to trickle out. So I’m all in favor of figuring out if there’s a way to turn around those numbers, so we’re not scraping the bottom of the barrel at some point.
“There’s a prevailing attitude that the legislature is trying to choke public education. I’m not sure I would write that in the newspaper, personally. But I can say that there’s that feeling out there in our school community.”
Rocky Killion, superintendent of the West Lafayette Community School Corp., said the district has two slots to fill at the high school before the school year starts.
“It’s getting tougher every year,” Killion said. “We are finding it more and more difficult to find high-quality teachers coming into the profession. Two years ago, we had close to 20 requests for student teacher placements. Last year, we had one request. … Education leaders have been predicting this since the legislative reforms of 2010.”
At Lafayette School Corp., John Layton, associate superintendent, agreed the candidate pools were getting thinner, although he believed Lafayette was shielded somewhat because it is a college community. But he took a nuanced approach about why the list of candidates was down — from the changing expectations and transiency of the millennial generation to the message educators, themselves, are passing along. He said he hashed some of that out with a university teacher education representative in the past week.
“Our conversation revolved around the fact that perhaps those of us in our own profession are sending a message to kids not to enter the profession due to education reform, accountability, etc.,” Layton said. “I mean, seriously, how else would they comprehend those things? … We need to be telling kids of the joys of being a classroom teacher. They still exist.”
The question remains, as the General Assembly starts pondering teacher shortages, whether they’re willing to embrace that same message: teaching matters. Teachers matter. Or will they continue, through word and deed, to insist that public education is somehow broken.
Study where that message has landed us.
WE THE PEOPLE must keep in mind these are global ONE WORLD ONE GOVERNANCE ONE COMMON CORE GLOBAL NEO-LIBERAL EDUCATION POLICIES----here we have Poland----most Eastern European nations brought to the EURO are breaking away because of these systemic global banking frauds and enslaving corporate campus policies.
If the American people allow a Trump to MOVE FORWARD with installing Foreign Economic Zones with heightened global militarized policing and security-----we will see our citizens finally coming out to protest and being met with far-right authoritarian brutality. We must have rolling protests NOW------before we lose all sense of DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC AND WE THE PEOPLE AS CITIZENS.
Thousands of Polish teachers protest against education reform
AFPOctober 10, 2016
Teachers rally against education reform proposed by Poland's rightwing Law and Justice government in Warsaw on October 10, 2016 (AFP Photo/Janek Skarzynski)Warsaw (AFP) - Teachers held demonstrations across Poland on Monday in protest against education reforms proposed by the right-wing government that critics say could see thousands of jobs slashed.
The protests, organised by the national teachers union ZNP, erupted as the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party came under fire over issues including the abortion law, public health spending and a constitutional court crisis.
Around two thousand people, including elementary school pupils, took part in the Warsaw rally, chanting slogans such as "No to chaos" and "The death of Polish education", according to an AFP journalist.
"We are afraid of losing our jobs, that chaos will take over in our schools," teacher Ewa Ochenduszka said of the proposed overhaul that would see middle schools eliminated, bringing back an older model of just primary school and high school.
"We don't know the education programmes and we don't know what is waiting for us in the future," Ochenduszka told AFP at the Warsaw rally, as thousands of people protested elsewhere in Poland.
The demonstrators also voiced concern over proposed changes to the school curriculum.
"The direction that the minister of education proposes is a nationalist, xenophobic direction," ZNP president Slawomir Broniarz said at the demonstration.
"Emphasising history, literature and the Polish language is essential but these subjects cannot dominate the education system.
"No one has ever received a Nobel prize in Polish history! We have received Nobels in physics, chemistry, in economics -- these are the most important," he added.
The proposed education reforms are the latest in a series of controversial moves that the PiS government has undertaken since coming to power in November 2015.
Last week, PiS lawmakers scrapped a proposed abortion ban after tens of thousands of black-clad women demonstrated across Poland, as well as in other European capitals.
The proposal had strained relations between Warsaw and Brussels, already at odds in a high-pitched rule of law dispute involving government reforms of Poland's constitutional court.
In late September meanwhile thousands of doctors, nurses and hospital workers marched through central Warsaw demanding the government spend more on public health, especially to hike notoriously low salaries.
This article is for those real public policy wonks-----if we google separation of church and state it always seems to bring us to articles saying this policy is not found in our US Constitution. It is steeped in COMMON LAW----WHICH IS INDEED IN THE US CONSTITUTION. Our American law brought with it COMMON LAW from centuries of European precedent. If one knows of Medieval and Renaissance Europe with Kings and global merchant class being the center of religion ----the Catholic Church was led by bishops and Popes from these rich and/or royal families. EVERYONE IN AND NO ONE OUT-----of this ROYALTY/CATHOLIC CHURCH society. It was austere and the 99% were extremely poor to the 1% extremely rich.
The European Revolutions were fought to be rid of both royal and Catholic domination. Now, it doesn't matter if Catholic or Muslim----theocracies tied to extreme wealth making up governance NEVER ENDS WELL FOR WE THE PEOPLE.
If a right-wing citizen shouts -----there is no such thing as separation of church and state in our US Constitution refer them to COMMON LAW.
We had the CHURCH OF ENGLAND AS THE CHURCH OF KINGS-----we had the Catholic Pope tied to the Kings of Europe-----all tying church directly to the rich----and without coincidence it seems that 99% needed to be kept in severe moral and human existence. The kings and rich----not so much.
'American separation of Church and state owes its special character to the fact that it was conceived within the framework of a political tradition that was directly tributary to the medieval heritage, even though this heritage reached the shores of America in secularized and Protestantized form. In contrast, Continental separation of Church and state, of which Revolutionary France exhibited the exemplar, owed its very different peculiarities to the fact that it represented the final state in the corruption of the medieval political heritage'.
When we hear discussion in the US about this issue of Separation of Church and State it comes back to LEO XIII-----because that was when European revolutions broke that KING/CHURCH as state and gave us a secular PUBLIC STATE. This article is written as ANTI SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE but educate on this issue -----millions of people died to get away from this far-right, authoritarian, militaristic empire-building structure.
AMERICA HAS CENTURIES OF COMMON LAW PRECEDENCE AND THAT COMING FROM EUROPE SAYING THERE IS A SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
THIS ARTICLE IS TOO LONG TO POST-----PLEASE GOOGLE---IT IS A GOOD REPRESENTATION OF ONE SIDE.
'Even before the political crisis arose in 1765, these Americans overwhelmingly identified with the opposition Whigs in England, who criticized the corruption and authoritarianism of the established church. As patriots raised claims of political liberty in those formative years, matters of religious liberty and conscience were also on their minds'.
Leo XIII: Separation of Church and State
JOHN COURTNEY MURRAY, S.J.Woodstock College
Leo XIII developed the theory and practice of Church-State relationships amid the conditions created by the peculiar nineteenth-century plight of the so-called Catholic nations of Europe and Latin America.1 The major feature of the situation consisted in the efforts of an activist ideological sect to effect, through the control and use of governmental power, the politico-social change known as "separation of Church and state." This current phrase was pregnant both of an ideology and of a political and social program. It meant, first, the alteration of the Christian structure of politics, which had been characterized by the traditional duality of Church and state, in the direction of a juridical and social monism. It meant, secondly, the evacuation of the Christian substance of society through the establishment of a surrogate political religion which went by the name of "laicism." The first subject of the present article is separation of Church and state in this pregnant sense, which is the sense in which Leo XIII understood the thing.
The idea of separation was carried in the bosom of the sweeping historical movement which issued from the eighteenth-century lumières as translated by Jacobinism into a political ideology and program. This movement has already been described under its proper name, totalitarian democracy. The purpose now is to bring forward the texts in which Leo XIII gives his understanding of the separation of Church and state at which this movement aimed. A second purpose is to indicate the differences which set off the condemned Continental meaning of the formula from the meaning it has had within the American constitutional system. These differences are numerous and significant. The intention in noting them is initially descriptive. If judgment, whether of approval or of condemnation, is to be passed upon the American constitutional system, it is important that the judgment
should be based on a clear appreciation of the uniqueness of this system, which is radically different from the systems familiar to Continental Europe.2
Antecedently, it may be said in general that the differences between Continental and American separation derive from a fundamental divergence of political traditions. In our own day research has illuminated the paradoxical fact, not fully appreciated in the nineteenth century, that the spirit, the principles, and the forms of the Christian medieval polity have better survived in the so-called Protestant countries, England and the United States, than in the so-called Catholic states of Continental Europe and their Latin-American derivations. American separation of Church and state owes its special character to the fact that it was conceived within the framework of a political tradition that was directly tributary to the medieval heritage, even though this heritage reached the shores of America
in secularized and Protestantized form. In contrast, Continental separation of Church and state, of which Revolutionary France exhibited the exemplar, owed its very different peculiarities to the fact that it represented the final state in the corruption of the medieval political heritage.
This corruption did not begin with "the principles of '89," or even with the Reformation. It began with the beginnings of that state absolutism which became the distinctive mark of the ancien régime, setting it off sharply from medieval polity, whether imperial, royal, or municipal. The most fateful, corrupting consequence of absolutism was the development of the notion of sovereignty as one, indivisible, and omnicompetent.
Absolutism enthroned the unchristian principle of the primacy of the political, the supremacy of the raison d'Etat. It led to the irrational idea of law as simply the command of the sovereign. It destroyed the Christian concept of an organic society, whose several orders and institutions have their own autonomy and freedom. It cancelled out all distinction between state and society. It abandoned the principles of medieval constitutionalism. Reviving the lex regia in its degenerate form, absolutism nullified the medieval Christian doctrine of consent. It also wrecked the medieval ideal of representation and of popular participation in power. It fundamentally altered the whole notion of "civil man," turning the medieval homo liber et legalis, who had an intangible charter of freedoms and a real personal existence within his immediate community, into a passive unit who got lost in an undifferentiated mass of "subjects."
Finally, absolutism revived the originally pagan, and later Germanic, notion of the "religion of the state," the Eigenkirche, placed under royal surveillance, and made more or less an instrumentum regni. By the same token it validated the theory of regalism, with all its artful techniques for inhibiting the freedom of the Church. In consequence of a legal rationalization of the whole of public order, effected in the spirit of Roman law, political absolutism forced a new modality upon the Church-State relation, which became a static, formally legal relation, established between sovereignties and regulative of their respective acts, whereas it had been a dynamic, moral, customary relation whose effects had been pervasive through the whole of society. Absolutism was indeed devoted to the cura religionis; there
would be one faith, as there was one king and one law. But this care of religion was itself largely an aspect of absolutism's fundamental drive towards a monism of state power and law. This drive is inherently destructive of the Christian structure of politics.
Out of the process of the destruction of the medieval political heritage, begun in the absolutist era, there came Gallicanism, the religious Caesarism of the French classical monarchy and of the Spanish Crown, Hispanidad in the sense of Philip II's Inquisition, Febronianism, Josephinism. The reception of Roman Law, to the relative extent that it was a damnosa hereditas, assisted the process. So too did the post-quattrocento nationalisms, and the unprecedented confusion of religion and politics introduced by the Reformers and abetted by Catholic princes. The whole movement gathered force from the sixteenth-century principle of territoriality, from the seventeenth-century principle of the divine right of kings, from the eighteenth-century principle of the public good as wholly embodied in the state (of which the enlightened despot was the First Servant and therefore the absolute master, possessor of the total ius politiae), and finally from the nineteenth-century principle of the sovereignty of the people with all its monistic overtones. The destruction of the ancient Christian heritage became complete with totalitarian democracy, which bettered the instruction of the ancien regime in point of state monism and an absolutism of political rule.
In one decisive aspect the rise of the absolutist national monarchies progressively turned the medieval situation inside out. The traditional structure of politics had been marked by a distinction between society and state. This political distinction was a historical development consequent on the Christian distinction between state and Church. This latter distinction established the principle of the freedom of the Church. Since in medieval times the Church itself was the Great Society, free under its own law, there was inherent in the freedom of the Church the concept of a free society, a whole area of human concerns—the sacred concerns of man and also those temporal concerns which have a sacred aspect—which had its own structure in terms of man's original rights and responsibilities. This area was marked off as being outside the legitimate sphere of interest of the secular power. The power itself stood within the Great Society, as a limited aspect of its ad-
ministrative life, constituent of a minor order distinct from the order of the Great Society, set to serve the order of the Great Society.
Royal absolutism reversed this situation. The whole of society, including the Church, was drawn inside the growing state and gradually surrounded by the developing armature of civil law. Society became the particular nation; the nation was identified with the state; and the nation-state itself became identically the Great Society. The political result of the development was the "society-state," the one all-embracing omnicompetent form of human association. In it the state-aspect—the aspect of power and law—increasingly assumed the primacy over the society-aspect, the aspect of culture, education, associational life (including marriage and the family), and even religious life. Totalitarian democracy represented the end-form of this lengthy corruption of traditional political principle. Amid the jumbled ambiguities of the Third Republic (and its Continental and Latin-American imitations) hardly a vestige of the medieval political heritage remained visible. It was in the conditions created by this disintegration that Continental separation of Church and state took its rise and assumed its special character. In these conditions, characterized by the omnipotence of the society-state, the separation of the state from the Church inevitably involved an apostasy of society from the Catholic religion. Being separate from the state, the Church could have no existence within society, except such as the sovereign power might choose to grant it.
Continental separation was also the outgrowth of another development—I mean the movement towards a redivinization of society which was intimately related to the movement toward the absolutization of the state. In a brilliantly argued thesis Eric Voegelin has pointed to this development as constituting "the inner logic of the Western political development from medieval immanentism through humanism, enlightenment, progressivism, liberalism, positivism, into Marxism."3 The movement claimed for itself the name of "progress"; actually, at its most profound level it represented reaction. It was a repudiation of the central civilizational tradition of the West.
The essential political impact of Christianity had consisted in a
radical de-divinization of the temporal sphere of power. Christianity brought a new truth, a new hope, a new law, and a new community. In the name of these new things it denied that the state represents the ultimate milieu of man's perfection, the embodiment of the highest values in human life, a moral end in itself, and the sphere for the achievement of salvation. It denied too that secular government is the existential representative of ultimate truth. "Dux hominibus esse ad coelestia, non civitas sed Ecclesia esse debet," as Leo XIII succinctly phrased the tradition. However, this Christian devaluation of the civil power and of the temporal sphere of its exercise has continually met resistance. The resistance is part of the permanent recalcitrance to the Gospel—its truth and its grace—which is inherent in unregenerate nature, and in nature even when regenerate.
The resistance has taken many historical forms, not least in Catholic empires and states.4 But it assumed its most self-conscious and organized form in the modern religion of.laicism. The name is misleading.
The "man" of this religion is not the layman but the divinized man of rationalist theory. The "society" of this religion is not a secular but a sacralized society—a society invested with the historic religious functions of the Christian Church, which are to teach man the full truth and to lead him to salvation. Laicism was the religion of self-salvation, wherein man becomes God and society becomes the Church. It is indeed customary to speak of the secularization of politics as the specific modern phenomenon. A more revealing term would be the sacralization of politics, or the redivinization of society, meaning the elevation of the society-state to the level of a quasi-religious form of life, wherein the ultimate good, "salvation," is to be achieved. Continental separation of Church and state was an essential aspect of this movement toward the redivinization of society. Unless this is understood, its meaning cannot be grasped. So Leo XIII understood it, as will appear.
The immediate point here is that the American political tradition, – whose parentage was English rather than Continental, has remained substantially untouched by the two radical vices which ruined the medieval heritage on the Continent—absolutism and the sacralization of politics.5 The link of continuity with the great tradition has indeed been weakened; in America too there has been a certain treason of the clerks, although its results have never been so radical as they were on the Continent. A most urgent intellectual task confronts those Americans who see that the future of their political experiment depends on the success with which its principles will now be restated in their deepest connection with the ancient patrimony.6 What is centrally significant, however, is the fact that the link with this patrimony, for all that it has grown tenuous, has never been broken. In consequence, the American constitutional system, as a structure, still reveals the essential lines of the Christian structure of politics. Furthermore, the American idea of the political order in its relation to the larger order of human social living, in remaining untainted by sacralization, has remained substantially true to the great tradition.
Decisive here is the firmness with which the United States Constitution asserts the distinction between society and state and the principle of a government of limited powers. The American people have repudiated the Continental concept of the omnicompetent
society-state. The consequence is that the state remains interior to society, not outside of it, as it were, and surrounding it. The state is an aspect of the life of society—a pervasive aspect (as modern law is pervasive) but not an all-embracing or omnicompetent aspect. The state stands in the service of society and is subordinate to its purposes. It is limited even in its office of ministry—limited by a whole structure of personal and social rights not of its creation, and limited too by the principle of consent. The state is not primatial; society possesses the primacy over the state. And in the sense that the spiritual is located in society, not in the state, the principle of the primacy of the spiritual over the political holds sway.
Within this structure of politics the American concept of separation of Church and state finds place. It is a consequence of the distinction between society and state. It is a consequence of the fact that society, the people, has made to government only a limited grant of powers. It is a consequence of the general theory of a pluralism of powers whereby society is directed. Undoubtedly the distinction between Church and state is exaggerated. But it is one thing to exaggerate a distinction into a separation, as in the American case; it is quite another thing to obliterate the distinction in a false unification, as in the Continental case. In the American case the essential lines of the medieval structure of politics are still somehow visible; in the Continental case they are destroyed utterly.
Furthermore, American separation of Church and state, unlike the Continental brand, neither implies nor effects any sacralization of politics. The First Amendment has no religious overtones whatever; that is, it does not imply any ultimate vision of the nature of man and society. It does not veil any pretence on the part of the state, to embody ultimate values. It does not imply that there is any virtue in society whereby it can save itself, become a good society, in separation from religion. Its purpose is not to separate religion from society, but only from the order of law. It implies no denial of the sovereignty of God over both society and state, no negation of the social necessity and value of religion, no assertion that the affairs
of society and state are to be conducted in disregard of the natural or divine law, or even of ecclesiastical laws. It is not a political transcription of the religion of laicism. It is a legal rule, not a piece of secular ecclesiology.
It does not make the state a church, nor does it establish a political religion. It does not envisage an evacuation of the Christian substance of society; it simply imposes restrictions on the legal activity of the state. It has an effect quite opposite to that of Continental separation. So far from sacralizing the political community or the legal order, it secularizes both. That is, it confines law and government to secular purposes (which are understood to include the moral purposes of freedom, justice, peace, and the general welfare). The American concept therefore does not derive from the Continental movement towards a redivinization of the society-state. It stands more directly in continuity with the central Christian civilizational tradition—the tradition of revolt against the sacralization of the political order, and of insistence on its status as secular. You may say that it carries this revolt, this insistence, too far. However, it is one thing to carry a tradition too far, but still in its own line; it is quite another thing to subvert the tradition entirely, and inaugurate a fundamentally divergent tradition. Certainly the effects of the two procedures have been, from the standpoint of the Church, spectacularly different.
The foregoing general confrontation of two concepts of separation has been made, as I said, for the purposes of description and differentiation, and with a view to pointing out the root of difference. It will appear from what follows that Leo XIII condemned Continental separation for a variety of reasons, all of which were related to its root. This vitiating root is not the source from which the American concept of separation took its origin.
Perhaps at the outset note should be taken of an objection. There may be those who will wish to foreclose discussion by saying that separation of Church and state is always and everywhere per se damnable; therefore any attempt to distinguish American and Continental concepts, and all this appeal to divergent political traditions are so much waste of time. Their reason will be that the Catholic Church is the one true Church; that separation of Church and state denies this truth; that separation is therefore damnable. In reply,
I can only allege the authority of Leo XIII. His massive corpus on the subject does not offer evidence that would justify the reduction of the argument to this simplisme.
For an individual to deny, in the face of the revealed truth known to him, that the Catholic Church is the one true Church is indeed heresy. For society to make this denial, again in the face of the truth individually known, would be what Leo XIII calls a social apostasy. This is most certainly true. But the fact is that Leo XIII did not locate the root-principle of separation of Church and state in this naked denial of a revealed dogma, as if somehow separation immediately flowed from this denial.