THAT IS WHY I HAVE SHOUTED THAT THESE ARE NOT RELIGIOUS ENTITIES----THEY ARE SIMPLY CORPORATE AND WEALTH FOUNDATIONS THE RICH ARE FUNNELING MONEY TO TO INSTALL THEIR VISION OF SOCIAL SOCIETY.
The homeless man with a disability, in a wheel chair, and having social security has been forced to operate in this system for months if not longer and he is ANGRY as he should be. This system takes ALL RIGHTS OF CITIZENS away---and it takes all the requirements a public system has for equal opportunity and access out of the process.
Weinberg Foundation requires that ID and holds for months until that is completed and then only offers housing at the city's border or other towns. Catholic Charities allow for housing without ID and emergency housing but the funding and numbers for this is very limited and creates waiting lists-----they mostly handle people the same as Weinberg. So, my homeless friend is now on that emergency housing waiting list at the front of the line because he is elderly, disabled, in a wheel chair with a SS check. How long it will take now we do not know. Each of these entities are pushed by placement quotas to get more government funding---and this is what moves organizations to take short cuts and creates inequity.
KNOWING THE DEVELOPMENT GOALS WILL RESULT IN HUGE WEALTH INEQUITY WITH GLOBAL RICH IN CITY CENTERS AND US CITIZENS PUSHED TO THE BORDERS??? REALLY?????????????????
Meanwhile, a public housing system is required to have facilities for all needs----handle all citizens equally----and place people in their communities---not transport them according to development plans.
GLOBAL CORPORATIONS AND THEIR POLS ARE BRINGING THIRD WORLD OPERATIONS TO US CITIES COMPLETE WITH REFUGEE CAMPS-----
This is a long article but please glance through to the next article------think about what is happening in Baltimore----how citizens are being assumed a refugee status losing all rights in an institutionalized system operated by corporations. As more and more Baltimore citizens are moved out-----this Falls Way complex will become a model----and as this area gentrifies----these buildings will be re-purposed.
How to Build a Perfect Refugee Camp
By MAC McCLELLANDFEB. 13, 2014
PhotoKilis, a refugee camp in Turkey near the Syrian border. Credit Tobias Hutzler for The New York Times
From the outside, the temporary shelter for Syrian civilians in Kilis, Turkey, doesn’t look like an inviting place to live. It looks like a prison. All around are olive groves, but here, Turkey suddenly runs out. A metal archway announces the customs gate to Syria. To its right stands what is more formally known as the Republic of Turkey Prime Ministry Disaster and Emergency Management Presidency’s Kilis Oncupinar Accommodation Facility. High gates bar entry, and barbed wire tops the walls. Police officers and private security mill about.
Many of the world’s displaced live in conditions striking for their wretchedness, but what is startling about Kilis is how little it resembles the refugee camp of our imagination. It is orderly, incongruously so. Residents scan a card with their fingerprints for entry, before they pass through metal detectors and run whatever items they’re carrying through an X-ray machine. Inside, it’s stark: 2,053 identical containers spread out in neat rows. No tents. None of the smells — rotting garbage, raw sewage — usually associated with human crush and lack of infrastructure.
PhotoAt the entrance to Kilis. Credit Tobias Hutzler for The New York Times
On April 29, 2011, 263 Syrians crossed into Turkey, fleeing civil war at home. Within 24 hours, the Turkish government set up an emergency tent camp for them in southern Hatay Province. In less than three years, it was operating 22 camps serving 210,000 refugees, mostly in provinces along its roughly 500-mile-long border with Syria. Kilis, opened in 2012, was one of six container camps meant to offer a better standard of shelter to incoming refugees. When I visited last October, the camp was full, and a group of squatters outside waited for placement.
As we entered, my translator, Ahmad Ajouz, himself a Syrian refugee who lives in an apartment in nearby Gaziantep, said to no one in particular, “It’s so clean.” Turkish workers, hunting for litter to sweep from the meticulously laid, brand-new brick paths, were merely doing maintenance between rounds of street-washing trucks. Suddenly, one of these appeared, spraying down and scrubbing the avenues.
There were other luxuries. Power lines, and at least as many streetlights as you would find in a nice suburban neighborhood. Multiple playgrounds that look like McDonald’s PlayPlaces. Containers housing maintenance men who can fix electric or plumbing problems. Fire hydrants.
Several large structures housed the camp’s schools. The first was the Olive Preschool and Kindergarten. The children weren’t yet in class, and as we walked on the gleaming tiles, the spacious hallway echoed. Big cutouts of Snow White and the dwarfs decorated the walls, along with Turkish flags. A sign read, “You’re welcome.”
The principal, Gulcin Dogan, a 26-year-old Turk with long light hair and glossy red lipstick, met us in front of one classroom. There are two floors, she explained, one for each grade, about 450 kids in each. Dogan, a psychologist by training, does double duty counseling children in need of it. Which is many of them.
At the next school over, class was in session. You could hear children reciting and clapping; from the window, several waved. Two thousand two hundred and twenty-five students attend school here, in sex-segregated classes per the Syrians’ request. One Syrian teacher admitted that this refugee-camp school is nicer than the public schools at home.
“It’s the nicest refugee camp in the world!” a Polish diplomat staying at my hotel crowed when I mentioned the place to him the next day. Standing with him was an Italian official; he nodded vehemently in agreement. No one I spoke to — not the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, not academics, not even the refugees — denies that the standard of living here is exceptionally high. When I later listed the amenities to a refugee expert, she replied, “I’ve never heard of such a thing.”
“You have a refugee problem, what do you do?” said a Turkish official who, like most officials in Turkey, would speak only on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to talk to the press. “That’s what’s done. You’re not discovering America again. It’s a normal response.”
But the fact is, it isn’t — not just because the camps are unusually well equipped but also because Turkey long ago exempted itself from any obligation to respond at all. Technically, the 14,000 residents at Kilis are not refugees but “guests” of Turkey. This is not just semantics. The 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees prohibits states from forcing them back over borders into danger and guarantees their right to work, shelter, travel and public assistance. Turkey signed the agreement but did so with a “geographical limitation”: Its mandate applies only to refugees from Europe.
Initially refusing Syrian refugees entry might have been difficult, given the already open border between the two countries and the gaps between checkpoints and a war close enough to bring in stray fire. The Syrians are also mostly Sunni Muslims, and Turkey has a record of embracing refugees with ethnic and cultural ties; it absorbed more than 300,000 from Bulgaria in 1989 and 25,000 from Bosnia in the early ‘90s. Whatever the reason, Turkey decided to open its arms to its war-ravaged Syrian neighbors. Except for intermittent closures, when fighting is too intense or fears of terrorist activity at the border arise, any Syrians with passports can cross through checkpoints. They come and go all day, some of them driving in, others on foot, carrying their belongings in big bundles or wearing dress slacks and trailing roller suitcases. Turkey is building walls along small sections of its border where the Syrian-side clashes involve Kurds, and it sometimes closes the border to those without passports pending security clearance, as happened recently when large numbers of Syrians fled intensive bombing in Aleppo. But when I was at Kilis, even those without passports could move unimpeded around the checkpoint. They streamed steadily in and out of the olive groves, appearing or disappearing among the trees.
Why would Turkey be so willing to house refugees — and to house them so well at its own expense? Unlike almost all other refugee camps in the world, Kilis is not run by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Rather, Turkey’s Disaster and Emergency Management Presidency, or AFAD, asked the U.N.H.C.R. for its camp guidelines — minimum distance between tents, and so on — and then designed its own. It staffed the camps with Turkish government employees, allowing in few NGOs and giving those only supporting roles. Except for some relatively minor international donations, the financial responsibility, and all the administrative responsibility, has been Turkey’s alone.
This approach, while costly, has given the Turks a measure of control over every detail — including who is working in their country. Typically, camps are serviced by a number of NGOs, and there can be overlap — or gaps — in the services they provide. The agencies may fight among themselves or clash with local leaders; each has its own hierarchies and staff members, drawn from an unlimited number of nations. Running a camp that way, the Turkish government official speculated, would be complicated: “There’s too many people coming and going. It’s not secure. And it’s distracting.”
But some also think that the Turks were making a savvy bet. Many thought the fighting in Syria wouldn’t last very long. That’s one reason, says Kemal Kirisci, director of the Turkey Project at the Brookings Institution, that the Turks may have invested in such elaborate camps. “It needs to be seen in the context of Turkey’s policy to create one integrated market in the Middle East. The Syrians were going to come, and they were going to stay in these camps, and every single one was going to go home and become grand ambassadors of Turkey.” As Turkey’s economy has grown, so has its hope of being a significant actor on the geopolitical stage. “The Turks have a burning desire to show the external world how great they’re doing. These camps are a very visible way of doing it. With the assumption that it wouldn’t last long, the cost was worth the benefit.”
Which is, of course, what everyone always thinks: Refugees are supposed to be in their host countries only temporarily. But of the 15.4 million refugees globally, most have been in camps for at least five years. Since Turkey established its first container camp, Syria’s civil war has only escalated. There are projected to be 1.5 million Syrian refugees in Turkey by year’s end.
The Turks may have built as good a refugee camp as it is possible to build. But a camp is still a camp. And if a camp becomes a shelter not just for a few months but for years, a substitute — even a deterrent — to a real solution, how much does it matter how nice it is?
Rouba Bakri, 30, has been at Kilis since 2012. “It’s perfect,” she told me, after she invited me into her home. It is a 23-by-10-foot trailer with three rooms, like every other trailer. The front door is lockable. The bathroom is serviced by its own plumbing and hot-water tank; the kitchen is equipped with both a refrigerator and a stove. In the living room, long cushions and pillows were propped against the walls, and from a color TV in the corner blared the Cartoon Network. When I asked Bakri how many channels she had, she laughed and said: “So, so many. A thousand?”
One thing you notice, entering Kilis for the first time, is how many of the containers have satellite dishes.
Twelve people live in Bakri’s container. Her husband, her husband’s parents, her three children, her husband’s three brothers, one of whom has a son, and a nephew. And 15 canaries in three cages that Bakri brought from Syria. They survived the mortar attack that destroyed her home, but they don’t sing anymore. Or lay eggs.
Like many of the refugees at Kilis, Bakri fled heavy shelling in northern Syria, where government forces have long been in pitched battle with rebel groups, and rebel groups often battle each other. And like many of the refugees, she often finds herself at loose ends. In a camp, no matter how large the family, boredom prevails. Aside from cooking and cleaning, there is little to do. Errands are within a five-minute walk; there is no livestock to tend or garden to hoe. To keep busy, Bakri works as the unpaid manager of the camp’s laundry centers. Each camp section has one; families can drop off laundry twice a week and pick it up soon after, cleaned, free of charge. “It’s good,” said a 44-year-old Syrian volunteer named Malak Jamal, who works in the laundry of Section C, where she lives. “There are no problems.” Then she added, “The whole camp is good.” Behind the laundry room is an activities center. One room has 10 enormous looms; the Turks provide cotton and weaving lessons. Another houses a sewing workshop — it was packed when I visited — and yet another functions as a beauty salon.
“Those Syrians who say the Turkish government is bad are liars and dogs,” Bakri’s father-in-law exclaimed, between drags on a cigarette. “If you can’t get what you want, people complain.” He could easily be one of those complainers, crammed as his family is into one trailer. But the camp is full. “I know the situation,” the old man said. He came, he continued, with this one purple-pinstriped shirt on his back, the one he was wearing, because he intended to stay 10 days, not two and a half years. He had no money or food. “So if I’m a good man, I must be grateful to them. They don’t have to do this, after all.”
PhotoThe containers have three rooms, with hot-water tanks and separate plumbing in the bathrooms. Credit Tobias Hutzler for The New York Times
Gratitude for the host country pervades the camp. When I sat down with Basheer Alito, the leader of Bakri’s section, he told me several times to write that he wished to thank the Turkish government, that the camp is very good and that the government is very good. Each of the camp’s sections has a leader, and Alito is the leader of the leaders (he was elected a year ago). He meets with his constituents when they have problems: fixing a damaged trailer or getting a pregnant woman to the hospital. The camp has a simple clinic staffed by Turkish doctors — and their translators — with free treatment and medicine; transport is arranged to nearby hospitals when serious health issues arise. As the refugees’ liaison with the camp administrator, Alito “of course” hears complaints, but it’s only from people who “don’t understand the situation.” He wanted to thank the Turkish government for treating the Syrians like brothers, he said, though the Turks aren’t even Arabs. Would that the Arab governments in countries like Jordan were doing such a good job helping their fellow Arabs, he went on, instead of sticking them in camps overflowing with trash and crime.
It is true that conditions for refugees in Jordan had become synonymous with violence and suffering. Still, I found Alito so adamant in his appreciation as to make me suspicious. But two other section leaders I talked to expressed the same feeling. One of these, Ibrahim Harmoush, seemed much less the politician than Alito. Broad-shouldered with salt-and-pepper hair, he had the posture of a man who doesn’t pull punches. Harmoush, it turned out, was the brother of a high-level officer in the Syrian Army, Lt. Col. Hussein Harmoush, who defected to Turkey a few months into the war and became an instant hero of the revolution. Later he ended up back in the regime’s hands, then disappeared.
“Turkish officers betrayed him and gave him to the Syrian regime,” Ibrahim said. Since a televised confession more than two years ago, he hasn’t been heard from. Last October, several Turks, including a former intelligence official, were sentenced for their role in the abduction of Ibrahim’s brother.
Even so, when I asked Ibrahim if he had any complaints about the camp, he struggled to come up with one. Finally, he said that sometimes a new administrator is appointed head of the camp, and he’ll have slightly different rules from the last one, and there’s the inconvenience of building a new relationship. But over all, he wanted to thank the Turkish government for the good work they do at Kilis.
Perhaps nothing encapsulates that work so well as the way the Turks supply refugees with food. At Kilis, there are three grocery stores, side by side like a mini strip mall. Every family is given a debit card when they register, and every month, they get a balance of 80 Turkish lira, close to $40, per person for food and $10 per person for sundries. Inside the grocery stores are undulating produce sections, meat counters, dry-goods shelves and refrigerated dairy cases. At the checkout, refugees swipe their cards and show their IDs.
“What do you think?” I asked Ajouz, my translator, as we toured the markets.
“It’s better than a grocery store in Syria,” he mumbled.
If you look at the structure created in Baltimore with a complex of corporate non-profits taking citizens from communities under development to move them outside to city limits you see the same structure that is used overseas in refugee camps. Those structures simply keep people housed and fed until resettlement can be made usually away from their homeland.
This is exactly what is happening in Baltimore under Wall Street Baltimore Development. Almost no policy planning is happening to assure mixed income neighborhoods in Enterprise Zones by these major heavily funded entities-----it is all focused on moving people out. Meanwhile REAL housing and homeless advocates like me-----and there are many in Baltimore----small churches-----citizens in underserved communities------activists wanting public housing and shelters IN THE COMMUNITIES FROM WHERE THESE CITIZENS LIVE-----get no Federal, state, or local funding and no funding support from these monied foundations.
Now, ask yourself-----why would a very neo-conservative Texas be central in taking and settling immigrant refugees? Because, Texas and Houston is one of the earliest International Economic Zones and now have immigrant populations greater than US citizens with the goal of ever higher immigrant ratios as global FOXCONN sweat shops are built in the US. Neo-cons are just as crazy for bringing Chinese FOXCONN sweat shop campuses to the US as Clinton/Obama Wall STreet neo-liberals.
The homeless/low-income housing structures in US cities deemed International Economic Zones are now with refugee structures like this for US citizens falling into poverty.
Houston Now the Top Refugee Resettlement City in US
Greg FlakusJune 26, 2014 10:35 PM
HOUSTON--The United States is the world's top refugee resettlement country. More refugees resettle in the state of Texas, and in particular the city of Houston, than anywhere else in the country. Refugees there find a thriving economy, warm weather and a diverse urban scene where they can locate help in starting a new life.
Hundreds of refugees and their supporters came together recently to celebrate World Refugee Day in Houston.
Houston is now home to 70,000 refugees from 78 countries, and around 2,000 more come each year.
This city offers a booming economy, lots of jobs and a very diverse population.
The largest refugee ethnic group, the Vietnamese, started coming here in the 1970s.
Lena Tran settled more recently, and her children know little of Vietnam.
"I was born by a Vietnamese mother and she escaped from Vietnam and I know a little bit about Vietnam because she tells me stories of them," said My Tran Vo, 8.
Only two weeks ago, Reza and his Bahai family came here from Iran.
"The most important reason is I did not have freedom of speech and religion," said Reza, discussing why he came to the U.S.
There are many agencies and support groups for refugees in Houston, but one of the most important is the YMCA International Services.
The YMCA's Amy Blose said the organization helps get refugees started in their new life here.
"The case manager will visit them at their home, check in on them frequently, make sure they are doing okay, and our goal, really, is self sufficiency for refugees," said Blose.
On this day, she is visiting Radjabu Selemani, a refugee from war-torn Congo.
"The family gets separated during the war; everyone takes his way, just to save his life," said Selemani.
The YMCA set him up in this apartment with another African refugee and helped them both find jobs. Selemani says he has also found encouragement from average people he has met in Houston.
"Americans are very friendly people," said Selemani.
Blose said it is sometimes easier for refugees with fewer skills and education to adjust here than it is for some highly educated refugees whose degrees are not recognized here.
"They actually have to start over. You know, we have a lot of people who were engineers who are now working at Walmart as a cashier," said Blose.
She says there are local college programs to help such people gain accreditation, but it can take a long time,especially when there are language barriers to overcome.
However, no barrier is too big to discourage Selemani.
"In Africa, some people say America is heaven, but, according to me, America is a land of opportunity," said Selemani.
That opportunity is largely what has made Houston the number one U.S. city for refugee resettlement.
If you look at the complex built on Falls Way by the city jail----you will see a separate 'city' where those in poverty and homeless eat-----Catholic Charities has Daily Bread moved from the Enterprise Zone for wealth ---Mt Vernon-----it has a Johns Hopkins' connected Health Care for the Homeless designed to be the real source for health care access as profit- hospitals refuse to treat people without insurance or not the right insurance. There is mail service as this becomes the homeless address----computers for job searches----and bus tokens which are often limited and not always made available. So, instead of being in a small community shelter with community citizens volunteering or working at a community public center helping these folks---keeping them connected to community structures like Post Office, schools, food sources----they are totally isolated in this complex by the jail. It literally is warehousing.
It is not that it is not good this complex exists-----it is how it exists in removing people from communities with the goal of movement away from their homes. As this complex was built------small community shelters were defunded and closed----very few feeding options for homeless exist outside of this Daily Bread----health care needs at city hospitals are drying up ------and getting bus tokens for free movement is becoming harder to get.
A CITIZEN LITERALLY ALLOWS THEMSELVES TO BE TIED TO THIS SYSTEM----OR THEY ARE ON THE STREETS AND WILL DIE.
At the same time REAL housing and homeless advocates trying to get more and more housing needs handled in underserved communities are marginalized by city hall----by the media-----and by monied religious institutions.
The problem is not that this facility does not serve a purpose----the problem is that no other game in town is being allowed to exist. The numbers of people handled are a small percentage of the need----and the institutional policies are extreme---- When I talk with staff about the fact that homeless are choosing to stay on the streets rather than go to these facilities-----they will admit----most homeless will not use these facilities. So, is this the only route WE THE PEOPLE take? Of course not----it is the only route global corporations are allowing.
This is where my homeless friend has been existing for a long time and now is willing to die on the street to avoid it.
Again, it is not the people working here that are bad-----it is the institution's policies and goals that are bad. How does this sound different than the article above about Turkey's refugee camp?
Baltimore homeless shelter along Fallsway to sleep 275Harry and Jeanette Weinberg Housing and Resource Center welcomes first clients on July 5
This is the men's dormitory at The Harry and Jeanette Weinberg… (Baltimore Sun photo by Gabe…)
June 23, 2011|By Mary Gail Hare, The Baltimore SunAn aging transportation building and garage in Baltimore has been restored into the $8 million Harry and Jeanette Weinberg Housing and Resource Center, adding to the growing complex of services for the homeless along the Fallsway.
The 24-hour facility will provide temporary housing and services to the city's homeless population, which officials believe may exceed 4,000 on any given night.
"This is the culmination of one of our goals in our 10-year plan to end homelessness," said Kate Briddell, director of the city's homeless services program.
The housing center is a short walk from a cluster of other agencies that offer health care, crisis counseling and job training. Briddell said it is important to add beds in an area where homeless people already come for services designed to help them get their economic footing.
"We will provide many services on site and there are several other agencies nearby," Briddell said. "Our Daily Bread Employment Center is right across the street."
The wide-bay doors that once accommodated lumbering trolley cars are now floor-to-ceiling windows finished in clear pine. Soft green walls and mahogany trim give the 30,000-square-foot building a homelike feel. Green and off-white tiles cover the floors.
"This is absolutely what we wanted our architect to do," Briddell said. "There is maximum natural light and beautiful, not institutional, spaces. People should live in beautiful spaces."
The three-story brick building will offer shelter, meals and services to the city's homeless population on a round-the-clock basis. Funds from the state, city and $1.5 million from the Weinberg Foundation paid for construction.
"This facility and others in this general area will help complete the circle of care for homeless men and women," said Chuck Tildon, vice president for external affairs for the United Way. "It will also give them access to the many services they need."
Clients will begin moving July 5 into the center, which is furnished with 275 beds. The first floor offers separate day rooms for men and women. Each is outfitted with TVs, phones, computers and game tables. There is also a full-service cafeteria, which will serve breakfast and dinner, and a commercial-size laundry area, assuring daily changes of bed linens.
"This is a wonderful and much-needed resource for the homeless," said Susan Schubin of the Maryland Legal Aid Bureau. "The day rooms are gorgeous and will give the homeless someplace to spend their days."
About a dozen city housing employees plan to be working from their offices and assisting clients on the ground floor by the end of next week. The building, equipped with closed-circuit TV and on-site security, will cost about $3.5 million annually to staff and maintain.
The second floor houses the men's dormitory, communal bathrooms and showers and storage facilities. Iron beds, each with a privacy screen and storage drawer, fill the floor.
The third floor of the building is similar in layout but divided into a women's dormitory and a 25-bed convalescent care area that will be run by Healthcare for the Homeless. The space includes an examination room, nursing office, a day room and a wide balcony that offers a sweeping view of downtown.
"This is a space where people can recuperate and relax," Briddell said. "They can even look out on a rooftop garden."
The city launched its 10-year plan to end homelessness in January 2008 and is steadily moving forward with the effort, called Journey Home Campaign.
"We are really hoping that the economy will turn around and more affordable housing will become available," Briddell said. "Until then, this shelter is a large part of our Journey Home Campaign."
This is all called 'social benefit' status for corporations----both private and non-profit that is deregulating all of the public structures around social services-----with the goal of eliminating all of these Federal, state, and local structures and just have what third world nations have for large populations of people in poverty and need-----refugee structures designed to feed, house, provide clinic health care to keep people from rioting and going to civil war......
From the first encounter with my homeless friend-----when I naively told him to get to a shelter and not die on the street--to his ambulance and emergency ride to MedStar Union Memorial where the protocol is simply to get rid of him with as little cost as possible----to being unable to find emergency status in winter for someone having a SS check that would allow him an apartment in affluent Charles Village.....
Below you see yet another policy of deregulation of public health designed to create more tiers of access to public health that keeps citizens from simply going to their local hospital for all their care. The mantra of preventative care by Clinton neo-liberals and global health systems is bogus----it is simply telling over 80% of Americans this is all you get. Now, think what is preventative in the case of this homeless man?
Is exposing him over and over to the streets with discharge from a hospital 'PREVENTATIVE' OR COST-EFFECTIVE? Of course not. It was bringing funds to the emergency room as the man lost his health and died. The preventative approach would have MedStar making sure this man at his first time in the emergency room went to emergency housing to stablize his health.
MedStar is now becoming one big group of outsourced health businesses so the emergency room operates separately from the Imaging Department----separately from Surgical Departments and each work for profit----not wanting any business that takes away from that. This is why my homeless man was not given a room to first sleep----and recover from temperature exposure as all hospitals have been required to do in modern history.
Remember when you simply went to any hospital with a Medicare card and received quality care? Well, an elderly homeless man on SS has Medicare----but he is now sent for clinic care.
The expectation now in Baltimore is this man would only access the Health Care for the Homeless---which is why Hopkins created this non-profit----tiered access to hospitals now profit-driven
What are critical access hospitals (CAH)?
A Critical Access Hospital (CAH) is a hospital certified under a set of Medicare Conditions of Participation (CoP), which are structured differently than the acute care hospital CoP. Some of the requirements for CAH certification include having no more than 25 inpatient beds; maintaining an annual average length of stay of no more than 96 hours for acute inpatient care; offering 24-hour, 7-day-a-week emergency care; and being located in a rural area, at least 35 miles drive away from any other hospital or CAH (fewer in some circumstances). The limited size and short stay length allowed to CAHs encourage a focus on providing care for common conditions and outpatient care, while referring other conditions to larger hospitals. Certification allows CAHs to receive cost-based reimbursement from Medicare, instead of standard fixed reimbursement rates. This reimbursement has been shown to enhance the financial performance of small rural hospitals that were losing money prior to CAH conversion and thus reduce hospital closures. CAH status is not ideal for every hospital and each hospital should review its own financial situation, the population it serves, and the care it provides to determine if certification would be advantageous.
Baltimore has the same conditions-----evictions are soaring as rents rise-----as housing subsidies disappear----like public housing and Section 8----and this has homelessness soaring as well.
I am told as a citizen that I simply have to get used to watching people falling into the streets, being made ill, and then left dying because----global corporations and Wall Street are being allowed to capture our Baltimore and Maryland economies to stagnate them -----being allowed to fill employment with outsourced corporations moving workers from all parts of the nation-----that attacks on wages to the point of third world poverty laced with wage theft and illegal independent contractor status is just what I am expected to accept.
AND NONE OF THIS IS TRUE. WE THE PEOPLE DO NOT HAVE TO EXPECT THIS AND WE WILL NOT.
The roadblock to reversing this comes when monied Foundations like Catholic Charities and Jewish Foundations like Weinberg partner with this global Wall Street plan----instead of fighting it. The same for the 15 black ministers getting their share of government funding to create this horrible social system structure. All Maryland non-profits are built so they will not voice opposing views----and this must and can change with a Mayor of Baltimore and a Baltimore City Council that stands separate from these institutions......Wall Street Baltimore Development and very, very, very neo-conservative Johns Hopkins.
This is what is happening today in Baltimore-----and San Francisco has had great wealth inequity for a decade or so-----
San Francisco Rent Board Swamped As Rents, Evictions Rise
May 27, 2014 7:24 PM
SAN FRANCISCO (KPIX 5) — Amid sky-high rents and a flood of evictions, the San Francisco Rent Board is unable to keep up with the overwhelming number of housing complaints.
During the recession, the rent board office was buying billboard space to remind residents that it existed. These days, renters wanting to voice a complaint need to wait in line.
When rent disputes hit a dead end, desperate tenants and landlords come to the Rent Board, which has the final say in all things rent control.
“What brought me here was when they wanted to raise my rent,” said Paul Carey, who went to the rent board back in October after a rent disagreement with his landlord.
Carey told KPIX 5 that it took about four months to be seen by the board. “They told me they were busy,” he said.
The rent board office is swapped: a record number of cases over the past year that have come with skyrocketing rents and a rising number of evictions.
“If you walked in today, you wouldn’t get a hearing for many months. That’s not acceptable to me,” said Delene Wolf, executive director of the Rent Board.
Wolf has worked at the board through the booms and the busts, but said she has never seen anything like this.
“The rent ordinance was passed on June 13th, 1979 to alleviate San Francisco’s temporary housing crisis. It’s more than 30 years later, and I think I’m here to stay,” Wolf said.
Wolf admits her office is behind schedule and she has a file cabinet filled with nearly 600 folders to prove it. They can only hear about 80 cases a month.
She expects more help from the city soon. “I don’t think I have to convince anybody at the moment that we’re having an affordability crisis in San Francisco,” Wolf said.
After four months, Mr. Carey’s day is finally here. And if the rent board judge takes his side it will all be worth the wait.
The Rent Board can only hear cases on existing leases. They can’t help with complaints from apartment hunters.
Baltimore Development and Johns Hopkins deliberately allowed poverty rates in Baltimore to soar with public policy they write and Baltimore City Hall and Maryland Assembly pols push----they kept people poor and unable to get jobs knowing the next stage would be to move all those people out of city centers. So, over 500,000 citizens in BAltimore are impoverished and will be moved through this housing system to what will become areas already know to be connected to FOXCONN global corporate campuses and factories. These are often black citizens because US cities have been left to become largely poor and black. There are many white citizens in cities navigating this system as well----and in Baltimore the middle-class is under attack like no other----so the only policy in US International Economic Zones as regards poverty and employment----ending homelessness in BAltimore for example-----is simply forcing----moving-----citizens out -----there is almost no lifting of citizens out of poverty.
Again, poverty figures are not valid because they do not use today's cost of living in calculations-----these poverty figures are soaring in Baltimore.
US International Economic Zones will look like they do in Asian nations-----the rich will be centered in a well-protected area of a very, very large city filled with the global rich----as in Miami/NYC/San Francisco-----this is the model all US cities have-----these three are simply further ahead.
WE CAN REVERSE THIS INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC ZONE POLICY IF WE GET RID OF GLOBAL POLS BY RUNNING SOCIAL DEMOCRATS IN ALL DEMOCRATIC PRIMARY ELECTIONS----AND BUILD LOCAL ECONOMIES WITH NO GLOBAL CORPORATIONS.
Poverty Rates Remain Stubbornly High in Big Cities
In 54 big cities and towns, at least a quarter of the population lived below the federal poverty line last year, according to new data from the U.S. Census Bureau.
by J.B. Wogan | September 24, 2013
Since the Great Recession, large cities faced with rising unemployment and poverty have sought to create local action plans and public-private partnerships to reverse troubling economic trends. One of the first to do so was the city of Savannah, Ga., which initiated an anti-poverty task force as early as 2003. At the time, civic leaders were alarmed to find the local poverty rate stuck at 22 percent, prompting them to form Step Up Savannah, a nonprofit geared to increase employment and income among the city's poor. In recent years, other anti-poverty commissions in other cities, such as Richmond, Va., have cited Savannah as model. Nonetheless, new data from the U.S. Census Bureau shows that more Savannah residents live below the federal poverty line than at any point in recent memory: an estimated 38,487 people, or 28.6 percent of the city's population.
"The poverty numbers are depressing," says Suzanne Donovan, a spokeswoman for Step Up Savannah. Unfortunately, Savannah is far from unique. Among cities and towns with at least 100,000 people, 54 places recorded poverty rates above 25 percent last year. Detroit, which filed for bankruptcy in July, had a poverty rate of 42.3 percent, the highest of any big city or town in the country. Syracuse, N.Y.; Hartford, Conn.; Cleveland; and Lansing, Mich., also had high poverty rates, ranging from around 35 percent to 38 percent.
For an individual in 2012, the federal poverty level was $11,170. For a family household of three, it was $19,090. Although the federal poverty level is useful for making comparisons to past years, it's an imperfect instrument for delineating economic status. Past research by the Urban Institute found that even when families earned double the federal poverty level, many still had trouble covering expenses related to food and housing. On the other end of the spectrum, college students who earn a meager annual income but still have parents covering their cost of living might be considered below the poverty line, skewing poverty rates for college towns.
The national poverty rate did not budge from last year and was much lower than in most urban areas: 15.9 percent. That was a welcome change, given that the rate had increased incrementally every year since 2007. But poverty was still higher than the national average among families with single mothers (31.8 percent), families with three or four children (28.3 percent) and young families with children under 18 (18.8 percent). It was also more prevalent among some minorities. For instance, for white Census respondents, the poverty rate was 13 percent, but for black or African-American respondents, it was 28.1 percent; and for Hispanic or Latino respondents, it was 25.4 percent.
The Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP) published a memo in September that cited several federal programs that remain key to helping poor families, such as the Earned Income Tax Credit, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP or food stamps) and unemployment insurance. The federal government and its state counterparts have a bigger influence over reducing poverty than cities or towns, says Olivia Golden, executive director of CLASP. Nonetheless, she notes that a handful of local governments have helped by increasing the minimum wage and by requiring that businesses offer paid sick days. In the past decade, cities have also partnered with banks and nonprofits to help low-income residents save money for large assets, such as a home, car or college tuition for their kids.
Last week, Syracuse Mayor Stephanie Miner told The Post-Standard that she's trying to improve economic conditions by building affordable housing, welcoming immigrants to her city, pursuing federal aid and supporting the higher education nonprofit, Say Yes, which offers college scholarships to inner-city youths. In 2012, Syracuse recorded a four-year high for its poverty rate and unemployment rate. "Cities have limited leverage over the big economic challenges," Golden says.
As Governing previously reported, some cities have opted to create new offices or centers dedicated to alleviating local poverty. Though each approach is slightly different, they represent a growing interest among urban governments to:
- attract new funding sources for training and employing low-income residents;
- improve data collection of anti-poverty programs and distribute resources to services with a record of success;
- and convene stakeholders from city, county and state departments, but also private-sector organizations that share a goal in educating, training and employing impoverished residents.
Last year Step Up Savannah interacted with 12,510 people through a range of services, including job placement programs, financial literacy classes and assistance with tax returns. Still, the estimated number of local residents living in poverty is triple the population served by Step Up Savannah. "With the poverty rate going up, we are going to be working to increase the numbers that we're touching," Donovan says. With an annual budget of $800,000, "you're talking about a resource question."
My homeless friend is back at the Weinberg shelter on Falls Way with me waiting for word from Catholic Charities of his being placed at the head of an emergency housing list. The next problem for homeless getting SS checks that would give them money to address immediate needs----they cannot because they have no ID or bank account. Remember, Wall Street banks have been de-banking the poor and pushing them to the predatory check-cashing stores so most poor do not have a vehicle for receiving their Federal checks. So, how does a citizen control their SS checks today? The goal of all social programs today is to have these Federal funds signed over to a housing agent. People receiving the lowest SS amount are around $750 a month today----and outsourced 'social benefit' groups are all vying for those funds. Obama and Clinton neo-liberals in Congress passed laws several years ago that opened SS monthly funds to creditors for the first time ever-----so this man is getting his SS monthly funds dismantled in a death by a thousand cuts.
'How can I cash my social security check without photo id?
I can't cash my social security check because my bank account was closed and to re-open it, I need photo id, but I don't have any photo id.
is there any way I can cash this check in this situation?
can I make it direct deposit or something or cash it somewhere without id?
provide alternative forms of identification?
Best Answer: Nope, you need a government approved id - driver's license, or passport.
Might be time to go to the DMV, and get your license, or ID card'.
'Housing advocates said the city, state and federal government need to do more to address housing needs'.
Below you see the next program for low-income----vets-----homeless with SS----Section 8. Baltimore was somehow allowed to free this HUD program for a decade or more as it stopped housing these low-income in communities it new would be made affluent. The waiting list is culled by people simply giving up----which was the goal----homeless veterans are shouting----I HAVE SECTION 8 ACCESS BUT CANNOT GET IT. So too should this homeless man and he did go to this reopening two years ago----and now we have to see where he is with this. Keep in mind----there is no one housing non-profit that works through all of this with a homeless person---he is given a list of names and phone numbers and is expected to navigate himself----which he cannot do.
Do you think if religious foundations/Hopkins' non-profits refused to work with Baltimore Development and Baltimore City Hall that they would be forced to use Federal, state, and local funds for housing as they are expected and required to build the public structures to do it? OF COURSE THEY WOULD. It is these non--profit ties that allow the city to fail to build real solutions to this crisis
Why re-open this now? You can bet now that Baltimore HUD is tied to Obama's HUD as corporate and affluent development in city policy----that all Section 8 housing will be moved to the city limits as the only choice......they are ignoring HUD equal opportunity and access housing that promotes diverse communities.
HUD > Program Offices > Fair Housing
Fair Housing And Equal Opportunity
The mission of the Office of Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity (FHEO) is to eliminate housing discrimination, promote economic opportunity, and achieve diverse, inclusive communities by leading the nation in the enforcement, administration, development, and public understanding of federal fair housing policies and laws.
FHEO protects people from discrimination on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, national origin, disability, and familial status. In addition, housing providers that receive HUD funding, have loans insured by the Federal Housing Administration (FHA), as well as lenders insured by FHA, may be subject to HUD program regulations intended to ensure equal access of LGBT persons.
City to open Section 8 wait list for first time since 2003Flood of applications expected for subsidized housing; cap of 25,000 families
October 02, 2014|By Natalie Sherman | The Baltimore Sun
The city expects a flood of applications when it opens the wait list for Section 8 housing vouchers this month for the first time in more than a decade.
Housing advocates say 50,000 families or more might sign up for a lottery to fill 25,000 places on the Housing Authority's wait list for the tenant-based housing choice vouchers.
The coveted federal subsidies help families pay the portion of their rent that exceeds 30 percent of their income. The vouchers can be used to rent any residence, subject to a cap. In Baltimore, that is roughly $900 for a one-bedroom apartment.
"There's a pent-up demand in this city and in our region," said Matthew Weisberg, housing law supervisor at the Homeless Persons Representation Project. "The wait list has been closed for so many years that it's just going to be an overwhelming show of applicants."
Applications for a spot on the list may be submitted online from Oct. 22 to Oct. 30. Getting on the list does not guarantee that a family will receive a voucher.
While the city and housing advocates say they will set up locations to allow people to apply for the wait list, some worry that the online-only process and the limited application period will be difficult for families who do not have computers or Internet access.
"I am concerned that the most vulnerable folks won't have access to the list," said Jeff Singer, who teaches at the University of Maryland School of Social Work.
The Housing Authority's waiting list for the Section 8 vouchers was last open in 2003. The agency has nearly worked its way through that list.
About 800 names remain, Baltimore Housing Commissioner Paul T. Graziano told the City Council last week. He expects the authority to reach the end of the list by next month, in part because much of the information is so out of date that many households are not responding.
Graziano said the new list would expire at the beginning of 2020. He told the council that the shorter time frame should allow the Housing Authority to assist a large number of people on the list, but not last so long that records fall out of date.
With little change to the overall number of vouchers available, the authority expects to help families lease about 1,000 units each year.
"We're trying to have a list that gives people a sense of what their reasonable expectation is," Graziano said. "At the end of the six years, we expect the vast majority of the people on the list, especially those in the city, will be called in.
"What we don't want to do is have a situation like we do now, where six years later you get to the very end of the list and you have almost no response."
The Housing Authority supports about 12,000 federal Section 8 vouchers, as well as roughly 2,000 vouchers used in privately owned developments, and some 10,860 units of occupied public housing. At the end of last year, more than 37,000 households were waiting for some form of housing assistance.
"It's great that we're opening the wait list," said Mel Freeman, executive director of Citizens Planning and Housing Association Inc. "We need to make sure that everyone knows about it."
Merry Rogers said getting on the list would be a "tremendous help." The 47-year-old Baltimore woman was living with a friend until the friend was evicted. Rogers has been staying in a homeless shelter for about two months.
Rogers spoke Thursday at Project Homeless Connect, an annual event presented by the United Way of Central Maryland to help the homeless access services.
She said she's thought about applying for the wait list in the past, only to be told it was closed. She plans to apply when it opens at the end of the month, but is not very hopeful.
"The people that's running the Section 8, they're excited, but people that have been waiting so long are doubtful," she said. "They'll still have to wait."
Other cities that have reopened wait lists have experienced huge demand.
In Charlotte, N.C., which reopened its waiting list last month for the first time since 2007, about 10,000 people applied on the first day for a chance at one of the nearly 5,000 vouchers. About 16 percent of the population in Charlotte lives below the poverty line. In Baltimore, the figure is 23 percent.
Pittsburgh received 13,770 applications this spring to fill a 5,000-household wait list.
Households with incomes up to about 80 percent of the local median income, or $63,900 for a family of four, are eligible for the housing choice voucher program. In Baltimore, about 95 percent of the households that use vouchers have incomes that are less than 30 percent of the local median, or $25,050 for a family of four.
Housing advocates said the city, state and federal government need to do more to address housing needs.