It's no coincidence these bill originate in very BUSH NEO-CON states tied to HOMELAND SECURITY ----with goals of building FOREIGN ECONOMIC ZONE global military and policing structures in a FIRST WORLD FREE DEMOCRATIC NATION when these several decades these structures were built in third world undeveloped nations.
We often remind our US 99% WE THE PEOPLE of goals in US cities deemed FOREIGN ECONOMIC ZONE development. All those low-income and decayed communities left undeveloped for decades are to become GLOBAL CORPORATE CAMPUSES/FACTORIES. There is no intent of having 'COMMUNITIES'-----there will be housing for workers tied to corporations with a steady stream of global labor pool 99% moving in and out. These will not be AMERICAN COMMUNITIES.
We notice the people promoting all this CRIME-FIGHTING are the same global banking 5% freemason/Greek players having brought these few decades of ROBBER BARON massive and systemic frauds sacking and looting our government coffers and our 99% PEOPLE'S POCKETS. So, none of all this CRIME-FIGHTING infrastructure is aimed at the CRIMES at the top.
'Help Communities Fight Violent Crime Act'.
H.R.1616 - Strengthening State and Local Cyber Crime Fighting Act of 2017
115th Congress (2017-2018) | Get alerts
Sponsor: Rep. Ratcliffe, John [R-TX-4]
(Introduced 03/17/2017) Committees: House - Judiciary; Homeland Security | Senate - Judiciary Latest Action: 11/02/2017 Became Public Law No: 115-76. (TXT | PDF) (All Actions) Roll Call Votes: There has been 1 roll call vote
So, yes our US cities have been allowed to decay filling with black market economies-----yes, we all want those communities made CIVIL. As SMART CITIES makes more and more and more citizens UNEMPLOYED----as global banking 1% make all jobs FREE LABOR breaking down our developed nation wages to third world levels-----that structure will bring higher levels of people pushed into black market trying to survive---and those people will be all of our 99% WE THE PEOPLE----black, white, and brown citizens.
Thinking that a community is made SAFE by very, very DEEP DEEP REALLY DEEP STATE policing and security ----is to kill every freedom, liberty, justice structure installed in our US 300 year history.
Below we see an article written by BROOKINGS INSTITUTE-----yes, that is the global banking 1% OLD WORLD KINGS CLINTON NEO-LIBERAL THINK TANK-----and THE URBAN INSTITUTE also controlled by global banking 1% central in these US cities as FAILED STATES decay and stagnant economies.
'Real Estate and Urban Policy. Before coming to NYU, Professor Ellen held visiting positions at the Urban Institute and the Brookings Institution...'
This article is not written in REAL LEFT SOCIAL BENEFIT----it is not written in REAL RIGHT WING CONSERVATIVE LAW AND ORDER----it is written with the goal of installing FOREIGN ECONOMIC ZONE infrastructure and human management.
Are we really investing in LOW-INCOME communities or citizens when MOVING FORWARD SMART CITIES has a goal of eliminating all human employment?
Crime and Community Development
by Ingrid Gould Ellen
children, public safety, race
Community development has traditionally focused on investments in housing, commercial revitalization, and physical improvements. Although all three are clearly critical to communities, the field has largely ignored (or paid too little attention to) one of the key factors that shape the quality of the everyday life: public safety.
Yet there is growing evidence that families care a great deal about safety and prioritize it above many other community attributes. Concern about safety and crime was one of the main reasons why families participating in the Moving to Opportunity (MTO) demonstration program accepted the option to move out of their high-poverty neighborhoods. Moreover, participating families who received vouchers and assistance to move to lower-poverty environments relocated to safer neighborhoods. At the outset of the study, nearly half of all of the participating households in Boston reported feeling unsafe or very unsafe. Among those offered vouchers to move to lower poverty areas, that share fell to only 24 percent several years later.1 (Crime was falling during this period, so control group members who received no mobility assistance also reported feeling more safe in their neighborhoods at the time of the follow-up survey; however, the improvement for these individuals was far smaller.)
A recent New York University study of 91 cities found suggestive evidence that housing voucher holders weighted crime and safety more heavily than poverty levels when choosing a neighborhood in which to live.2 As of 2000, the average voucher household lived in a significantly lower-crime neighborhood than the average tenant participating in the Low Income Housing Tax Credit program, although members of both sets lived in communities with nearly identical poverty rates and minority population shares. In other words, individuals with greater residential choice--that is, voucher recipients—chose to live in neighborhoods with markedly lower crime rates but not lower poverty rates or different racial compositions.
Recent research shows that families have good reason to worry about the safety of their environment. Most directly, people who live in high-crime neighborhoods are more likely to be victims of crime. In addition, there is strong evidence to indicate that such unsafe environments affect families and children in other ways. People who live in high-crime environments are more likely to witness a violent crime or know someone who has been victimized; this can profoundly shape one’s outlook on the world and level of ambition. Fear of crime can lead individuals to withdraw from their communities and live more sheltered and isolated lives. Finally, a growing number of studies are finding that exposure to crime, and especially violence, can heighten stress in children and lead to lower cognitive test scores and diminished performance in school.3
In addition to causing fear and stress, which can shape individual outcomes, crime may also profoundly affect the social structures of communities through high levels of incarceration. In neighborhoods where violence and crime are particularly prevalent, incarceration removes large numbers of young adults—fathers, in particular—from the community, disrupting social networks, breaking up families, and weakening local institutions.4
In short, the evidence is strong that community development practitioners should increase the attention paid to safety and crime. The more difficult question, of course, is how: what tools do community development practitioners and policymakers have to fight crime? Most obviously, they can and should work with law enforcement to ensure that police are responsive to local calls and maintain a presence in problem areas. In addition, there are at least three other strategies community development practitioners and policymakers might adopt. The first and perhaps easiest is to combat physical blight. The “broken windows” theory of George Kelling and James Q. Wilson argues that signs of physical disorder, such as uncollected garbage, graffiti, and broken windows, signal to potential offenders that local residents are not invested in the community and would be unlikely to intervene in or report any crime.5 Although few studies have been able to pinpoint the direction of causality, there is strong evidence that physical disorder is at least associated with higher levels of crime; thus, community members should act quickly to address such signs of disorder.
A second and arguably more fundamental approach is to develop the collective efficacy of a community, which is the willingness of residents to monitor public spaces, intervene when those spaces are threatened, and help neighbors in need. Robert Sampson and his colleagues showed that collective efficacy is highly predictive of crime, and they argue that building collective efficacy is far more important to controlling crime than fixing signs of physical blight.6 Their study recommends strategies to organize community residents and encourage collective work on social control. A partnership with local law enforcement may be useful when implementing this strategy, but the residents of a community must drive this effort.
Finally, while impacts of such programs have not yet been rigorously evaluated, community courts such as the Red Hook Community Justice Center in Brooklyn appear to be a promising way to engage communities and address low-level crime.7 These courts bring the justice system closer to citizens and aim to make it more responsive to everyday concerns. Community residents are involved in identifying public safety concerns and priorities, and they help to determine community service assignments for convicted offenders that both reconnect these individuals tothe community and help to address neighborhood problems. Many community courts also house a variety of social service programs (such as job training and placement, drug treatment, and tutoring) to address the root causes of criminal behavior. Although each community court employs a different approach, they all seek to promptly administer punishments for nonserious offenses that can serve to benefit the community, provide services to address some of the root problems that contribute to crime, and forge meaningful partnerships with the neighborhoods they serve.
We are only just beginning to understand the costs that crime—and fear of crime—can impose on communities and their residents. Crime can lead to social isolation, encourage unhealthy behaviors by changing perceived risks, and heighten stress levels. Such elevated stress may make it difficult for children to focus in school and to learn, and in the long-run it may compromise their immune systems and increase vulnerability to disease. The latest findings from the MTO demonstration indicate that providing an opportunity for very poor families to move to neighborhoods with lower levels of poverty can lead to improvements in physical and mental health.8 Although the mechanism of this effect is unclear, the opportunity to live in a safer neighborhood may be the critical ingredient in ending the cycle of poverty for many families.
We discuss in detail why these few decades our US UNEMPLOYMENT FIGURES no longer represent REAL US UNEMPLOYMENT-------these figures we see in our US national media are FAKE DATA---FAKE NEWS. If a city says it has a 3-4% unemployment rate-----we can bet that figure is NOT TRUE. As in Baltimore where unemployment is reaching 60-65% but reported as 3.7%-----those US citizens having lost employment in 2008 economic crash are no longer being counted as too those losing jobs since. Here we are 10 years later----where are all those left unemployed? They are those being labelled DISABLED-----many with MENTAL HEALTH DISABILITIES.
This shift from a very strong thriving US economy most of last century almost having that FULL EMPLOYMENT to a nation of UNEMPLOYED----DISABLED ----is of course MASTER PLAN OF MOVING FORWARD bringing the US to colonial status installing ONE WORLD FOREIGN ECONOMIC ZONES.
Here in Baltimore we have never seen so much DISABILITY-----so, are these citizens EMPLOYED? No, and they make up much of that 60-65% in Baltimore. This number will soar-----the goal is having all US 99% WE THE PEOPLE displaced from job market here in US ----hitting the global labor pool.
This is where global banking 1% OLD WORLD KINGS work those 5% freemason/Greek players making them feel they are keeping those jobs now existing ---when of course they will be under the bus as well.
The startling rise of disability in America
By Chana Joffe-Walt
In the past three decades, the number of Americans who are on disability has skyrocketed. The rise has come even as medical advances have allowed many more people to remain on the job, and new laws have banned workplace discrimination against the disabled. Every month, 14 million people now get a disability check from the government.
The federal government spends more money each year on cash payments for disabled former workers than it spends on food stamps and welfare combined. Yet people relying on disability payments are often overlooked in discussions of the social safety net. The vast majority of people on federal disability do not work. Yet because they are not technically part of the labor force, they are not counted among the unemployed.
In other words, people on disability don't show up in any of the places we usually look to see how the economy is doing. But the story of these programs -- who goes on them, and why, and what happens after that -- is, to a large extent, the story of the U.S. economy. It's the story not only of an aging workforce, but also of a hidden, increasingly expensive safety net.
For the past six months, I've been reporting on the growth of federal disability programs. I've been trying to understand what disability means for American workers, and, more broadly, what it means for poor people in America nearly 20 years after we ended welfare as we knew it. Here's what I found.
In Hale County, Alabama, nearly 1 in 4 working-age adults is on disability. On the day government checks come in every month, banks stay open late, Main Street fills up with cars, and anybody looking to unload an old TV or armchair has a yard sale.
Sonny Ryan, a retired judge in town, didn't hear disability cases in his courtroom. But the subject came up often. He described one exchange he had with a man who was on disability but looked healthy.
"Just out of curiosity, what is your disability?" the judge asked from the bench.
"I have high blood pressure," the man said.
"So do I," the judge said. "What else?"
"I have diabetes."
"So do I."
There's no diagnosis called disability. You don't go to the doctor and the doctor says, "We've run the tests and it looks like you have disability." It's squishy enough that you can end up with one person with high blood pressure who is labeled disabled and another who is not.
I talked to lots of people in Hale County who were on disability. Sometimes, the disability seemed unambiguous.
"I was in a 1990 Jeep Cherokee Laredo," Dane Mitchell, a 23-year-old guy I met in a coffee shop, told me. "I flipped it both ways, flew 165 feet from the Jeep, going through 12 to 14,000 volts of electrical lines. Then I landed into a briar patch. I broke all five of my right toes, my right hip, seven of my vertebrae, shattering one, breaking a right rib, punctured my lung, and then I cracked my neck."
Other stories seemed less clear. I sat with lots of women in Hale County who told me how their backs kept them up at night and made it hard for them to stand on the job. "I used to cry to try to work," one woman told me. "It was so painful."
People don't seem to be faking this pain, but it gets confusing. I have back pain. My editor has a herniated disc, and he works harder than anyone I know. There must be millions of people with asthma and diabetes who go to work every day. Who gets to decide whether, say, back pain makes someone disabled?
As far as the federal government is concerned, you're disabled if you have a medical condition that makes it impossible to work. In practice, it's a judgment call made in doctors' offices and courtrooms around the country. The health problems where there is most latitude for judgment -- back pain, mental illness -- are among the fastest growing causes of disability.
In Hale County, there was one guy whose name was mentioned in almost every story about becoming disabled: Dr. Perry Timberlake. I began to wonder if he was the reason so many people in Hale County are on disability. Maybe he was running some sort of disability scam, referring tons of people into the program.
After sitting in the waiting room of his clinic several mornings in a row, I met Dr. Timberlake. It turns out, there is nothing shifty about him. He is a doctor in a very poor place where pretty much every person who comes into his office tells him they are in pain.
"We talk about the pain and what it’s like," he says. "I always ask them, 'What grade did you finish?'"
What grade did you finish, of course, is not really a medical question. But Dr. Timberlake believes he needs this information in disability cases because people who have only a high school education aren't going to be able to get a sit-down job.
Dr. Timberlake is making a judgment call that if you have a particular back problem and a college degree, you're not disabled. Without the degree, you are.
In Hale County, there was one guy whose name was mentioned in almost every story about becoming disabled: Dr. Perry Timberlake, shown in an examination room at the Hale County Hospital Clinic in Greensboro, Alabama. Credit: Brinson Banks for NPR
One woman I met, Ethel Thomas, is on disability for back pain after working many years at the fish plant, and then as a nurse's aide. When I asked her what job she would have in her dream world, she told me she would be the woman at the Social Security office who weeds through disability applications. I figured she said this because she thought she'd be good at weeding out the cheaters. But that wasn't it. She said she wanted this job because it is the only job she's seen where you get to sit all day.
At first, I found this hard to believe. But then I started looking around town. There's the McDonald's, the fish plant, the truck repair shop. I went down a list of job openings -- Occupational Therapist, McDonald's, McDonald's, Truck Driver (heavy lifting), KFC, Registered Nurse, McDonald's.
I actually think it might be possible that Ethel could not conceive of a job that would accommodate her pain.
There's a story we hear all the time these days that doesn't, on its face, seem to have anything to do with disability: Local Mill Shuts Down. Or, maybe: Factory To Close.
Four years ago, when I was working as a reporter in Seattle, I did that story. I stood with workers in a dead mill in Aberdeen, Washington and memorialized the era when you could graduate from high school and get a job at a mill and live a good life. That was the end of the story.
But after I got interested in disability, I followed up with some of the guys to see what happened to them after the mill closed. One of them, Scott Birdsall, went to lots of meetings where he learned about retraining programs and educational opportunities. At one meeting, he says, a staff member pulled him aside.
"Scotty, I'm gonna be honest with you," the guy told him. "There's nobody gonna hire you … We're just hiding you guys." The staff member's advice to Scott was blunt: "Just suck all the benefits you can out of the system until everything is gone, and then you're on your own."
Scott, who was 56 years old at the time, says it was the most real thing anyone had said to him in a while.
There used to be a lot of jobs that you could do with just a high school degree, and that paid enough to be considered middle class. I knew, of course, that those have been disappearing for decades. What surprised me was what has been happening to many of the people who lost those jobs: They've been going on disability.
Scott tried school for a while, but hated it. So he took the advice of the rogue staffer who told him to suck all the benefits he could out of the system. He had a heart attack after the mill closed and figured, "Since I've had a bypass, maybe I can get on disability, and then I won't have worry to about this stuff anymore." It worked; Scott is now on disability.
Scott's dad had a heart attack and went back to work in the mill. If there'd been a mill for Scott to go back to work in, he says, he'd have done that too. But there wasn't a mill, so he went on disability. It wasn't just Scott. I talked to a bunch of mill guys who took this path -- one who shattered the bones in his ankle and leg, one with diabetes, another with a heart attack. When the mill shut down, they all went on disability.
I don't know what that rogue staffer meant when he told Scott Birdsall they were trying to hide those mill guys. But signing up for disability benefits is an excellent way to stay hidden in one key way: People on disability are not counted among the unemployed.
Source: Social Security Administration
Credit: Lam Thuy Vo / NPR
"That's a kind of ugly secret of the American labor market," David Autor, an economist at MIT, told me. "Part of the reason our unemployment rates have been low, until recently, is that a lot of people who would have trouble finding jobs are on a different program."
Part of the rise in the number of people on disability is simply driven by the fact that the workforce is getting older, and older people tend to have more health problems.
But disability has also become a de facto welfare program for people without a lot of education or job skills. But it wasn't supposed to serve this purpose; it's not a retraining program designed to get people back onto their feet. Once people go onto disability, they almost never go back to work. Fewer than 1 percent of those who were on the federal program for disabled workers at the beginning of 2011 have returned to the workforce since then, one economist told me.
People who leave the workforce and go on disability qualify for Medicare, the government health care program that also covers the elderly. They also get disability payments from the government of about $13,000 a year. This isn't great. But if your alternative is a minimum wage job that will pay you at most $15,000 a year, and probably does not include health insurance, disability may be a better option.
But, in most cases, going on disability means you will not work, you will not get a raise, you will not get whatever meaning people get from work. Going on disability means, assuming you rely only on those disability payments, you will be poor for the rest of your life. That's the deal. And it's a deal 14 million Americans have signed up for.
While this systematic goal of labeling as many US CITIZENS as DISABLED-----MENTAL ILLNESS-----or simply NOT SMART ENOUGH to attend vocational tracking global corporate schools K-CAREER APPRENTICESHIPS-----we want to take a few days to look broadly at what it means to be MAD/DISABLED/FEEBLE-MINDED. It will not take much if we keep MOVING FORWARD.
Raise your hands if you KNOW sending our US military troops overseas on ACTIVE DUTY in war zones for a DECADE ---would result in tremendous numbers of VETS with DISABILITIES----not only physical---but a tremendous amount of EMOTIONAL AND STRESS DAMAGE. The US had historically limited active tours to 4 years-----our involvement in wars -----while ILLEGAL----usually made sure our military troops only engaged actively for 4 year tours.
BUSH/CHENEY WITH THEIR GLOBAL PRIVATE MILITARY CORPORATIONS IN THE MAKE----IGNORED ALL THOSE TROOP SAFETY STANDARDS----
Today, with those VETS from earlier continuous wars-----our US military VETS are those showing large with DISABILITY AND MENTAL HEALTH.
The stats for our DISABLED VETS are NOT to be believed.......these numbers are far-higher
Veterans statistics: PTSD, Depression, TBI, Suicide.
The following veterans statistics are from a major study done by the RAND Corporation (full pdf of study), a study by the Congressional Research Service, the Veterans Administration, the Institute of Medicine, the US Surgeon General, and several published studies.
PTSD statistics are a moving target that is fuzzy: do you look only at PTSD diagnosed within one year of return from battle? Do you only count PTSD that limits a soldier's ability to go back into battle or remain employed, but that may have destroyed a marriage or wrecked a family? Do you look at the PTSD statistics for PTSD that comes up at any time in a person's life: it is possible to have undiagnosed PTSD for 30 years and not realize it--possibly never or until you find a way to get better and then you realize there is another way to live. When you count the PTSD statistic of "what percentage of a population gets PTSD," is your overall starting group combat veterans, veterans who served in the target country, or all military personnel for the duration of a war?
And veterans PTSD statistics get revised over time. The findings from the NVVR Study (National Vietnam Veterans' Readjustment Study, in Four Volumes) commissioned by the government in the 1980s initially found that for "Vietnam theater veterans" 15% of men had PTSD at the time of the study and 30% of men had PTSD at some point in their life. But a 2003 re-analysis found that "contrary to the initial analysis of the NVVRS data, a large majority of Vietnam Veterans struggled with chronic PTSD symptoms, with four out of five reporting recent symptoms when interviewed 20-25 years after Vietnam." (see also NVVR review)
There is a similar problem with suicide statistics. The DoD and their researchers tend to lose track of military personnel once they retire, and do not track veteran suicides for all branches of the military (see September 2015 New York Times articles on Marine suicides and a battalion-wide suicide epidemic). And, not all suicides will be counted as a military suicide (plus, is a person who drinks themselves to death committing suicide?). A recent study found U.S. veteran suicide rates to be as high as 8,000 a year. See suicide statistics (below and bottom of Suicide Prevention page).
Summary of Veterans Statistics for PTSD, TBI, Depression and Suicide.
- As of September 2014, there are about 2.7 million American veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars (compared to 2.6 million Vietnam veterans who fought in Vietnam; there are 8.2 million "Vietnam Era Veterans" (personnel who served anywhere during any time of the Vietnam War)
- According to RAND, at least 20% of Iraq and Afghanistan veterans have PTSD and/or Depression. (Military counselors I have interviewed state that, in their opinion, the percentage of veterans with PTSD is much higher; the number climbs higher when combined with TBI.)
Other accepted studies have found a PTSD prevalence of 14%; see a complete review of PTSD prevalence studies, which quotes studies with findings ranging from 4 -17% of Iraq War veterans with post-traumatic stress disorder).
A comprehensive analysis, published in 2014, found that for PTSD: “Among male and female soldiers aged 18 years or older returning from Iraq and Afghanistan, rates range from 9% shortly after returning from deployment to 31% a year after deployment. A review of 29 studies that evaluated rates of PTSD in those who served in Iraq and Afghanistan found prevalence rates of adult men and women previously deployed ranging from 5% to 20% for those who do not seek treatment, and around 50% for those who do seek treatment. Vietnam veterans also report high lifetime rates of PTSD ranging from 10% to 31%. PTSD is the third most prevalent psychiatric diagnosis among veterans using the Veterans Affairs (VA) hospitals.”PTSD and comorbid AUD", Subst Abuse Rehabil. 2014; 5: 25–36, Ralevski, et al.
- 50% of those with PTSD do not seek treatment
- out of the half that seek treatment, only half of them get "minimally adequate" treatment (RAND study)
- 19% of veterans may have traumatic brain injury (TBI)
- Over 260,000 veterans from OIF and OEF so far have been diagnosed with TBI. Traumatic brain injury is much more common in the general population than previously thought: according to the CDC, over 1,700,000 Americans have a traumatic brain injury each year; in Canada 20% of teens had TBI resulting in hospital admission or that involved over 5 minutes of unconsciousness (VA surgeon reporting in BBC News)
- 7% of veterans have both post-traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury
- rates of post-traumatic stress are greater for these wars than prior conflicts
- in times of peace, in any given year, about 4% (actually 3.6%) of the general population have PTSD (caused by natural disasters, car accidents, abuse, etc.)
- recent statistical studies show that rates of veteran suicide are much higher than previously thought, as much as five to eight thousand a year (22 a day, up from a low of 18-a-year in 2007, based on a 2012 VA Suicide Data Report). (See suicide prevention page). Contrary to the impression many media articles give, veteran suicide rates, although definitely higher, are not astronomically higher than civilian rates. See New York Times 2013 article, "As Suicides Rise in US, Veterans are Less of total," by James Dao.
- PTSD distribution between services for OND, OIF, and OEF: Army 67% of cases, Air Force 9%, Navy 11%, and Marines 13%. (Congressional Research Service, Sept. 2010)
- recent sample of 600 veterans from Iraq and Afghanistan found: 14% post-traumatic stress disorder; 39% alcohol abuse; 3% drug abuse. Major depression also a problem. "Mental and Physical Health Status and Alcohol and Drug Use Following Return From Deployment to Iraq or Afghanistan." Susan V. Eisen, PhD
- Oddly, statistics for veteran tobacco use are never reported alongside PTSD statistics, even though increases in rates of smoking are strongly correlated with the stress of deployment and combat, and smoking statistics show that tobacco use is tremendously damaging and costly for soldiers.
- More active duty personnel die by own hand than combat in 2012 (New York Times)
- According to September 2015 New York Times articles, some branches of the military do not keep fine-grained data, or any data at all on the suicide rates (and this must mean on the mental health as a whole) of their veterans. There are "battalion epidemics" of suicide in the military, which much higher rates of suicide and mental health problems.
Another pathway to being a person diagnosed as DISABLED/MENTAL ILLNESS-----is that thousands of years natural body chemistry change as we age------MID-LIFE CRISIS. This manifests differently in MEN and WOMEN----but both are caused by changes in body chemistry---hormonal---endocrine ---weakened organ functions.
Speaking again personally, I went through a double-dose of MID-LIFE CRISIS-----Seasonal Affect Disorder SAD from lack of sun in beautiful NORTHWEST----and ordinary MENOPAUSE---with symptoms of depression. Together they brought CLINICAL DEPRESSION for several years. These are all normal, natural body actions----yet, over these few decades they have hit the MENTAL/DISABILITY category---loaded with PHARMA-----and diagnosed as MENTAL ILLNESS.
One would think our US 99% of WE THE WOMEN are quite the weak and mentally ill-----------women do experience depression more then men------again it is often hormonal. All of the disorders listed below occur in both MEN and WOMEN----
'Depression in women: Understanding the gender gap - Mayo Clinic
Women with depression often have other mental health conditions that need treatment as well, such as: Anxiety. Anxiety commonly occurs along with depression in women. Eating disorders. There's a strong link between depression in women and eating disorders such as anorexia and bulimia. Drug or alcohol abuse'.
Men have MID-LIFE crisis including eating disorders, drug and alcohol abuse, and mood-swings.
How the Midlife Crisis Came to Be
Over the course of a few years in the 20th century, the midlife crisis went from an obscure psychological theory to a ubiquitous phenomenon.
May 29, 2018
The midlife crisis was invented in London in 1957. That’s when a 40-year-old Canadian named Elliott Jaques stood before a meeting of the British Psycho-Analytical Society and read aloud from a paper he’d written.
HERE COMES THE AGE OF BIG PHARMA!!
Addressing about a hundred attendees, Jaques claimed that people in their mid-30s typically experience a depressive period lasting several years. Jaques (pronounced “Jacks”)—a physician and psychoanalyst—said he’d identified this phenomenon by studying the lives of great artists, in whom it takes an extreme form. In ordinary people symptoms could include religious awakenings, promiscuity, a sudden inability to enjoy life, “hypochondriacal concern over health and appearance,” and “compulsive attempts” to remain young.
This period is sparked by the realization that their lives are halfway over, and that death isn’t just something that happens to someone else: It will happen to them, too.
He described a depressed 36-year-old patient who told his therapist, “Up till now, life has seemed an endless upward slope, with nothing but the distant horizon in view. Now suddenly I seem to have reached the crest of the hill, and there stretching ahead is the downward slope with the end of the road in sight—far enough away, it’s true—but there is death observably present at the end.”
Jaques didn’t claim to be the first to detect this midlife change. He pointed out that, in the 14th century, Dante Alighieri’s protagonist in The Divine Comedy—who scholars say is 35—famously declares at the beginning of the book, “Midway upon the journey of our life / I found myself within a forest dark / For the straightforward pathway had been lost.”
But Jaques offered a modern, clinical explanation, and—crucially—he gave the experience a name: the “mid life crisis.”
As he addressed the meeting in London, Jaques was nervous. Many of the leading psychoanalysts of the day were sitting in the audience, including the society’s president, Donald Winnicott, renowned for his theory of transitional objects, and Jaques’ own mentor, the famed child psychologist Melanie Klein.
It was an acrimonious group, which had split into competing factions. Attendees were known to pounce on presenters during the questioning period. And Jaques wasn’t just presenting an abstract theory: He later told an interviewer that the depressed 36-year-old patient he described in the paper was himself.
When he finished reading the paper, titled “The Mid Life Crisis,” Jaques paused and waited to be attacked. Instead, after a very brief discussion, “there was dead silence,” he recalled later. “Which was very, very embarrassing, nobody got up to speak. This was new, this is absolutely rare.” The next day, Melanie Klein tried to cheer him up, saying, “If there’s one thing the Psychoanalytic Society cannot cope with, it’s the theme of death.”
Chastened, Jaques put “The Mid Life Crisis” aside. He went on to write about far less personal topics, including a theory of time and work. “I was certainly utterly convinced that the paper was a complete failure,” he recalled.
But he didn’t forget how it felt to be that troubled man standing on the crest of the hill. About six years later, he submitted the paper to The International Journal of Psychoanalysis, which published it in its October 1965 issue under the title “Death and the Mid-life Crisis.”
This time, instead of silence, there was an enormous appetite for Jaques’ theory. The midlife crisis was now aligned with the zeitgeist.
If you were a man born in 1900, you had only about a 50 percent chance of living to age 60. The average life expectancy for men was around 52. It was fair to think of age 40 as the beginning of the end.
But life spans in rich countries were increasing by about 2.3 years per decade. Someone born in the 1930s had nearly an 80 percent chance of living until age 60. That gave age 40 a new vitality. Life Begins at Forty was the best-selling American nonfiction book of 1933. Walter Pitkin, the journalist who wrote it, explained that “before the Machine Age, men wore out at forty.” But thanks to industrialization, new medicines, and electric dishwashers, “men and women alike turn from the ancient task of making a living to the strange new task of living.”
By the time Elliott Jaques published “Death and the Mid-life Crisis” in 1965, the average life expectancy in Western countries had climbed to about 70. It made sense to change your life in your 30s or 40s, because you could expect to live long enough to enjoy your new career or your new spouse.
And it was getting easier to change your life. Women were going to work in record numbers, giving them more financial independence. Middle-class professionals were entering psychotherapy and couples counseling in record numbers and trying to understand themselves. People were starting to treat marriage not just as a romantic institution, but as the source of their self-actualization. Divorce rules were loosening, and the divorce rate was about to surge. And there was dramatic social upheaval, from the civil-rights movement to the birth-control pill. It wasn’t just individuals who had midlife crises. The whole society seemed to be having one, too.
The idea that a midlife crisis is inevitable soon jumped from Jaques’ academic paper to popular culture. And according to the new conventional wisdom, the 40s were the prime time for it to occur. In her 1967 book, The Middle-Age Crisis, the writer Barbara Fried claimed the crisis is “a normal aspect of growth, as natural for those in their 40s as teething is for a younger age group.”
THERE IS THAT GLOBAL BANKING 1% SELLING A NEW FAD!!!
The midlife crisis, which had scarcely existed five or six years earlier, was suddenly treated like a biological inevitability that could possess and even kill you. “A person in the throes ... does not even know that something is happening inside his body, a physical change that is affecting his emotions,” a 1971 New York Times article explained. “Yet he is plagued with indecision, restlessness, boredom, a ‘what’s the use’ outlook and a feeling of being fenced in.”
The crisis soon expanded from Jaques’ original definition to include practically any inner strife. You could have one because you’d achieved everything you’d intended to, but couldn’t see the point of it all. Or you could have one because you hadn’t achieved enough.
Management theorists urged companies to be sensitive to their crisis-stricken workers. In 1972, a U.S. government task force warned that midlife crises may be causing an uptick in the death rate of men aged 35 to 40. “A general feeling of obsolescence appears to overtake middle managers when they reach their late thirties. Their careers appear to have reached a plateau, and they realize that life from here on will be a long and inevitable decline.”
Despite some biological claims, the midlife crisis was mainly viewed as a middle- and upper-class affliction. Classic sufferers were white, professional, and male, with the leisure time to ruminate on their personal development and the means to afford sports cars and mistresses. People who were working-class or black weren’t supposed to self-actualize. Women were assumed to be on a separate schedule set by marriage, menopause, and when their children left home.
But women soon realized that the midlife crisis contained a kind of liberation story, in tune with the nascent women’s movement: If you hated your life, you could change it. This idea found a perfect messenger in the journalist Gail Sheehy. Sheehy was the daughter of a Westchester advertising executive. She had obediently studied home economics, married a doctor, and had a baby. But that life didn’t suit her. By the early 1970s, she was divorced and working as a journalist.
In January 1972, Sheehy was on an assignment in Northern Ireland when the young Catholic protester she was interviewing got shot in the face. The shock of this experience soon combined with the shock of entering her mid-30s. “Some intruder shook me by the psyche and shouted: Take stock! Half your life has been spent.”
Researchers she spoke to explained that panicking at 35 is normal, since adults go through developmental periods just like children do. Sheehy traveled around America interviewing educated middle-class men and women, ages 18 to 55, about their lives. In the summer of 1976 she published a nearly 400-page book called Passages: Predictable Crises of Adult Life. By that August, it was the New York Times’ number one nonfiction bestseller, and it remained in the top 10 for over a year.
Sheehy had gone hunting for midlife crises in America, and she’d found them. “A sense of stagnation, disequilibrium, and depression is predictable as we enter the passage to midlife,” she writes in Passages. People can expect to feel “sometimes momentous changes of perspective, often mysterious dissatisfactions with the course they had been pursuing with enthusiasm only a few years before.” Ages 37 to 42 are “peak years of anxiety for practically everyone.” She said these crises happen to women, too.
With Sheehy’s book, an idea that had been gathering force for a decade simply became a fact of life. Soon there were midlife crisis mugs, T-shirts, and a board game that challenged players—Can You Survive Your Mid-Life Crisis Without Cracking Up, Breaking Up, or Going Broke?
But were midlife crises actually happening?
The anthropologist Stanley Brandes had his doubts. In the 1980s, as he approached age 40 himself, he noticed that many self-help books in his local bookshop, in Berkeley, warned that he was about to experience a major life upheaval.
Brandes thought about Margaret Mead’s classic 1928 book, Coming of Age in Samoa, in which Mead argues that Americans expect teenage girls to have an adolescent crisis, and many of them do. But Samoans don’t expect the teenage years to be filled with emotional upheaval, and in Samoa they aren’t.
Brandes reasoned that the midlife crisis might be a cultural construct, too. “It was kind of a trick that my culture was playing on me, and I didn’t have to feel that way,” he decided, laying out his theory in the 1985 book Forty: The Age and the Symbol.
Brandes didn’t have much data to go on, but soon researchers were analyzing findings from studies including a massive one called “Midlife in the United States,” or MIDUS, that began in 1995. What did all this reveal about the midlife crisis?
“Most people don’t have a crisis,” says Margie Lachman of Brandeis University, a member of the original MIDUS team. Lachman says midlifers are typically healthy, have busy social lives, and are at the earnings peaks of their careers, so “people are pretty satisfied.”
Some of those who report having a midlife crisis are “crisis prone” or highly neurotic, Lachman says. They have crises throughout their lives, not just in midlife. And about half of those who have midlife crises say it’s related to a life event like a health problem, a job loss, or a divorce, not to aging per se.
Just 10 to 20 percent of Americans have an experience that qualifies as a midlife crisis, according to MIDUS and other studies.
As this data rolled in, most scientists abandoned the idea that the midlife crisis is biological. They regarded it mostly as a cultural construct. The same mass media that had once heralded the midlife crisis began trying to debunk it, in dozens of news stories with variations on the headline “Myth of the Midlife Crisis.”
But the idea was too delicious to be debunked. It had become part of the Western middle-class narrative, offering a fresh, self-actualizing story about how life is supposed to go.
Another reason for the idea’s success, Lachman says, is that people like attaching names to life stages, such as the “terrible twos” for toddlers, whereas “most people I know say their two-year-olds are delightful.” The midlife crisis persists, in part, because it has a very catchy name.
Elliott Jaques watched with amazement at the avalanche that his paper caused. Requests for reprints of “Death and the Midlife Crisis” came in from around the world.
Jaques had long since moved on to other topics. He became a specialist in workplace relations, and devised a way to measure workers according to the amount of time they’re given to complete tasks. He consulted for the U.S. Army and the Church of England about their organizational structures, and wrote more than 20 books. He never wrote about the midlife crisis again.
Jaques died in 2003. His second wife, Kathryn Cason, who co-founded an organization dedicated to propagating Jaques’s ideas about the workplace, told me that the midlife crisis was “a tiny little early piece of work that he did” and something Jaques “didn’t want who to talk about after 20 or 30 years.” She urged me to read his later writings.
I have to admit that I never did. Jaques had lots of big ideas, but the whole world was mostly interested in his small one. The headline of his obituary in the New York Times read “Elliott Jaques, 86, Scientist Who Coined ‘Midlife Crisis.’”
These few decades of global banking 1% CLINTON/BUSH/OBAMA have seen PHARMA as the GATEWAY MEDICINE----with MENTAL ILLNESS/DISABILITY soaring ---and even our US 99% WE THE CHILDREN have been captured to early diagnosis ----MOVING FORWARD these health characterizations and diagnoses will be used against those children AS ADULTS trying to find employment in a MOVING FORWARD SMART CITIES----NO EMPLOYMENT FOR YOU economy.
We took the time yesterday to share a personal discussion regarding MENTAL ILLNESS when talking about THE NETWORK-----talking about how easy it is to create an environment of POLITICAL DEFINITION OF MADNESS.
We are shouting in these discussions as we said yesterday-----far-right wing global banking 1% STALINIST/HITLER/MAO FASCISM is LOOSEY-GOOSEY with these definitions and how these categories can be used for employment, for free expression, for ability to secure LIBERTY AND JUSTICE.
Generation at risk: America's youngest facing mental health crisis
American children’s mental health is worrying experts, with one in five kids suffering from a diagnosable mental, emotional or behavioral disorder.
Dec. 10, 2017 / 12:21 PM EST / Updated Dec. 11, 2017 / 3:52 PM EST
By Kate Snow and Cynthia McFadden
Alex Crotty was just 11 when things started feeling wrong.
It wasn't just a matter of being unhappy. She always felt empty and miserable — never content or connected to other children. For years, she suffered alone, filled with shame. She switched schools, but that didn't help.
"I didn't feel unloved. I just felt numb to the world. Like, I was surrounded by great things, but just I couldn't be happy. And I didn't know why that was," Alex told NBC News.
Finally, at 14, she decided to break her silence. "I can't feel anything," Alex simply told her mother, Heather Olson of New York. "So she just gave me a hug, cradled me in her arms on the bed, and was like, 'Well can you feel me? Can you feel my love?'"
"A hug and kisses was the only thing that came to mind at the spur of the moment, but that was precisely what she needed to start the journey forward," Olson said.
Alex Crotty was diagnosed with depression and is now on treatment and feeling better. She urges other young people to speak out about their depression or anxiety. 'I am so much stronger after coming out of this,' she says. Courtesy Heather Olson
Alex was diagnosed with major depression and anxiety. Now 16, she is in therapy and on medication. She's far from alone.
There is an acute health crisis happening among members of the youngest generation of Americans, with critical implications for the country's future.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reports that 1 in 5 American children ages 3 through 17 — about 15 million — have a diagnosable mental, emotional or behavioral disorder in a given year.
Only 20 percent of these children are ever diagnosed and receive treatment; 80 percent — about 12 million — aren't receiving treatment.
Recent research indicates that serious depression is worsening in teens, especially girls, and the suicide rate among girls reached a 40-year high in 2015, according to a CDC report released in August.
"Child and adolescent mental health disorders are the most common illnesses that children will experience under the age of 18. It's pretty amazing, because the number's so large that I think it's hard to wrap our heads around it," said Dr. Harold Koplewicz, founding president of The Child Mind Institute, a nonprofit children's mental health advocacy group.
Over the next few months, NBC Nightly News will examine the state of American children's mental health, including reports on what has led to this increase — especially in anxiety and depression — treatment obstacles, promising research and innovative programs to help children.
Is your toddler depressed?
Mental health problems may actually start much earlier than previously thought.
A toddler who is crying for hours and angrily stomping his or her feet may not be having a temper tantrum, but showing signs of depression. Research suggests that 1 percent to 2 percent of children 2 to 5 years old have depression, said Dr. Joan Luby, director of the Early Emotional Development program at the Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis and a pioneer in the study of the condition in preschoolers.
She believes untreated depression in toddlers can lead to more depression later in life.
"Young children are more cognitively sophisticated, more emotionally sophisticated, than we previously understood. They have complex emotions. They're aware of emotions in their environment. They feel emotions like guilt," Luby said. "They have all the prerequisites of what depressive symptoms are."
That may show up as constant sadness and low self-esteem. A child may not want to play with a favorite toy or with friends over a sustained period of time.
Vickey Harper of St. Louis became worried when her 2-year-old daughter, Myla, began having "scary" tantrums that sometimes lasted almost an hour. The girl would scream, kick and hit her mother in the face.
"My gut was just telling me that something was not right," Harper said. Mental illness runs in the family, but she was surprised when doctors suggested Myla had depression.
The girl is taking part in Luby's research to see whether early intervention can make a difference. Parents are coached on how to play with and respond to their kids — exercises meant to help kids recognize their emotions, like being sad, angry or nervous. The hope is that will help them learn to control those feelings and "change a lifelong trajectory," or prevent episodes of depression later in life, Luby said.
Now, Myla's long tantrums are gone.
"She is not the same kid that walked into those therapy sessions," Harper said. "She can tell me when she's feeling something. She still yells sometimes, but it's on a much smaller scale."
Why adolescents are so vulnerable
Teens are known for their moodiness, and adolescence — a particularly turbulent time of life — is one of the most vulnerable periods to develop anxiety and depression. About 50 percent of cases of mental illness begin by age 14, according to the American Psychiatric Association. A tendency to develop depression and bipolar disorder nearly doubles from age 13 to age 18.
But for teens like Alex Crotty, depression is very different from adolescent angst, Koplewicz said.
"Teenagers have a different kind of depression. They don't seem sad. They seem irritable," he said. "This really has an effect on your concentration, which will affect school. It will affect your desire to continue playing sports. It'll affect your desire of being with your friends."
Warning signs also include the duration and the degree of symptoms, he said. Take notice if your teen is experiencing moodiness or irritability for more than two weeks and it's occurring every day, for most of the day, and if you see a change in sleep patterns and a change in desire to work and socialize.
Teenagers also think about suicide more often — and 5,000 young people take their own lives every year in the United States, Koplewicz added.
For years, Alex was too scared to reach out for help because she thought that if she told her parents about her depression, they wouldn't believe her or they would overreact and send her to a "psych ward," she said.
It's why The Child Mind Institute is collecting brain scans from 10,000 children and teens, hoping to identify biological markers of psychiatric illness. The project could improve the diagnosis and treatment of mental disorders.
After medication and therapy, Alex is doing great.
"I am so much stronger after coming out of this," she said, urging other kids to speak up. "If you always feel like something's wrong, talk to somebody. If you feel like you're blaming things on yourself all the time, talk to somebody. Just if things don't feel good, talk to somebody."
Today, as we watch a seguing from US 99% WE THE PEOPLE losing jobs because of ROBBER BARON BOOM AND BUST global neo-liberal economics-----US CITIES as FAILED STATES moving our US corporations to overseas FOREIGN ECONOMIC ZONES------the goals MOVING FORWARD these next few decades will be a massive detachment of US 99% of citizens black, white, and brown citizens from any ability to attain A PAYING JOB---and the structures being built via AFFORDABLE CARE ACT---and CRIME BILL ---are geared to capture that declining employment.
The term WINNERS AND LOSERS we heard all the time after that 2008 economic crash pushing tens of millions of our US 99% out of work----will soon capture those thinking they are WINNERS.
There is absolutely NO INTENT at building structure to include HAPPINESS---PEACE, LOVE, AND UNDERSTANDING.
WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION
Mental health and well-being are fundamental to
our collective and individual ability as humans to
think, emote, interact with each other, earn a
living and enjoy life. They directly underpin the
core human and social values of independence of
thought and action, happiness, friendship and
solidarity. On this basis, the promotion, protection
and restoration of mental health can be regarded
as a vital concern of individuals, communities and
societies throughout the world.
However, current reality presents a very different
picture. The formation of individual and collective
mental capital – especially in the earlier stages of
life – is being held back by a range of avoidable
risks to mental health, while individuals with
mental health problems are shunned,
discriminated against and denied basic rights,
including access to essential care. Accentuated
by low levels of service availability, the current
and projected burdens of mental disorders are of
significant concern not only for public health but
also for economic development and social
In this report, potential reasons for this apparent
contradiction between cherished human values
and observed social actions are explored with a
view to better formulating concrete steps that
governments and other stakeholders can take to
reshape social attitudes and public policy.
The report shows that a strong case can be
made for investing in mental health – whether to
enhance individual and population health and
well-being, protect human rights, improve
economic efficiency, or move towards universal
health coverage. The report also identifies a
number of barriers that continue to influence
collective values and decision-making – including
negative cultural attitudes towards mental illness
and a predominant emphasis on the creation or
retention of wealth (rather than the promotion of
In partnership with all relevant stakeholders,
governments have a lead role to play in reshaping
the debate about mental health, addressing
current barriers and shortcomings, and
responding to the escalating burden of mental
disorders. Key actions that would mark a
renewed commitment to promote, protect and
restore mental health include: better information,
awareness and education about mental health
and illness; improved health and social services
for persons with mental disorders; and enhanced
legal, social and financial protection for persons,
families or communities adversely affected by
These 10 cities will lose the most jobs to automation
Low-wage cities including Las Vegas, Orlando, and El Paso are most at risk of losing jobs to automation, according to a new report from the Institute for Spatial Economic Analysis.
By Alison DeNisco Rayome | May 10, 2017, 6:40 AM PST
Low-wage cities such as Las Vegas, Orlando, and El Paso will be hit the hardest by job automation, according to a recent report from the Institute for Spatial Economic Analysis (ISEA). And the impact of automation on job losses is likely to be more severe than previously predicted, the report stated: Due to advances in machine learning and mobile robotics, jobs such as truck driving, healthcare diagnostics, and education are more likely to be affected.
"The replacement of jobs by machines has been happening continuously since the Industrial Revolution, but it's expected to significantly accelerate in the coming 10 or 20 years," said Johannes Moenius, founding director of ISEA, in a press release. "Pretty much everyone will be affected, but some metropolitan areas will see a lot more jobs vanish than others."
ISEA examined Oxford University research on the probability of automation for a number of occupations, as well as employment data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Of the 100 metropolitan areas in the US with more than 250,000 people employed, the following 10 cities have the largest share of jobs that may become automated:
1. Las Vegas-Henderson-Paradise, NV
65.2% of jobs automatable
2. El Paso, TX
63.9% of jobs automatable
3. Riverside-San Bernardino-Ontario, CA
62.6% of jobs automatable
4. Greensboro-High Point, NC
62.5% of jobs automatable
5. North Port-Sarasota-Bradenton, FL
62.4% of jobs automatable
6. Bakersfield, CA
62.4% of jobs automatable
7. Orlando-Kissimmee-Sanford, FL
61.8% of jobs automatable
8. Fresno, CA
61.5% of jobs automatable
9. Greenville-Anderson-Mauldin, SC
61.3% of jobs automatable
10. Louisville/Jefferson County, KY-IN
61.3% of jobs automatable
Almost all large metropolitan areas in the US could lose more than 55% of their current jobs due to automation, the report stated. High-tech hubs such as Silicon Valley and Boston are least likely to be affected.
At-risk occupations include office and administrative support occupations, food preparation and serving related occupations, and sales and related occupations. These three categories account for half of the automation potential in the largest metro areas. Meanwhile, transportation and material moving positions contribute to potential employment losses in Riverside, Louisville, and Greensboro.
However, the probability of automation does not equal future unemployment rates, said ISEA faculty fellow and report co-author Jess Chen. A recent report from Forrester Research estimated that automation and robotics will displace 24.7 million US jobs by 2027—but that the technology will create 14.9 million new jobs in the same time period, leading to a net loss of 9.8 million jobs.
"Technical feasibility does not imply that automation necessarily makes economic sense. And historically, automation went hand in hand with new job creation both in skilled and less skilled labor," Chen said in the release. "However, the speed and the high share of automation in less skilled jobs raises many questions about whether the economy will be able to make up for the expected job losses. What we do expect is that automation will create winners and losers among cities and regions of the U.S., where losers may not recover to their original employment levels within even a decade's time."