Mumbai hospital faces criminal case for turning away poor patient
State charity commissioner Shivkumar Dige has ordered an inquiry and a criminal case against the…'
All public health structures globally are being dismantled----East India being a UK colonial entity had strong NATIONAL PUBLIC HEALTH FOR ALL as too UK-----having been dismantled to be eliminated in MOVING FORWARD---ONE WORLD ONE GLOBAL LABOR POOL preventative/wellness health care only FOR ALL.
'What’s really unhealthy at Baltimore’s once-public hospitals: How their executives pay themselves millions, strip employees of rights and sue impoverished patients'.
We have discussed in detail these same EMERGENCY ROOM/AMBULANCE operations happening in Baltimore---where CODE YELLOW et al saying one emergency room is at capacity to divert ambulances WHEN THAT EMERGENCY ROOM IS NOT AT CAPACITY because of type of insurance.
May 14 More on Quality and Safety
Certain hospitals turn away ambulances when the patient is more likely to be poor, study shows
Private hospitals are more likely to enact an ambulance diversion if a nearby public hospital is already turning away ambulances.
Jeff Lagasse, Associate Editor
Occasionally a hospital will close itself off to ambulances, and the facilities that do so usually claim it's due to volume issues.
A new study, however, suggests that may not always be the case.
Looking specifically at California, Health Services Research uncovered evidence that hospitals turning away ambulances may be doing so for financial reasons; the story was originally reported in the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. While some hospitals argue that they want to avoid scenarios in which sick patients are spending eternities waiting in the emergency room, data shows the likelihood of patients being poor may be closer to the truth.
Private hospitals, the study found, are more likely to enact an "ambulance diversion" if a nearby public hospital is already turning away ambulances. Public hospitals typically treat lower-income patients.
The researchers called this "strategic diversion."
Private hospitals' ambulance diversion decisions were strongly linked to whether the nearby hospital turning away ambulances was public or private.
The private hospitals were more likely to shut themselves off if the nearby hospital was public, which is one of the data points suggesting they're avoiding accepting Medicaid and uninsured patients. These decisions, the study found, can sometimes cause critical delays for vulnerable populations, and could increase the likelihood of an adverse event, even death.
While the practice naturally affects poor patients in particular, it can negatively impact anyone who's in an ambulance at the time of the diversions.
Evidence suggests that, despite the dip in patient volumes, some hospitals actually make more money during ambulance diversions because the profits are higher on such procedures as planned surgeries -- and surgeries may be cancelled when there are too few beds due to high ER volumes.
Once the public hospitals reopen to ambulances, the private hospitals are more likely to come off diversion, the findings showed. The authors claim it as evidence that the latter wanted to be open for patients once there was a lower likelihood of accepting poorer patients.
Temporary diversions of ambulances from the nearest hospital can harm patients with life-threatening conditions, including heart attacks and stroke, according to a 2015 Health Affairs study.
Some hospitals see diversion as a necessary safety valve for full emergency rooms, but emergency care experts say they push the crowding problem to nearby hospitals and can compromise patient care, especially in life-threatening cases.
When we look global hedge fund JOHNS HOPKINS which is suing the poor for lack of payment of medical bills we are seeing a global private health system being predatory and profiteering-----the reason for suing the poor knowing they have no money-----is to push those people into MEDICAL BANKRUPTCY----meaning they will no longer be accepted as patients at these health facilities.
As the article said---BAYVIEW/JOHNS HOPKINS is paid from state/Federal funds for those patients who cannot pay-----this SUING is ONLY being done to keep patients from returning for services. This policy of driving people into medical bankruptcy to keep them from services in global private health systems is not only effecting the poor.
'Medical Bankruptcy Is Killing The American Middle Class
February 14, 2019, 08:44:55 AM EDT By Safehaven
A new study has found that a horrifying 530,000 families turn to bankruptcy each year due to medical bills they can’t pay. In the end, it’s easier to declare bankruptcy than to allow oneself to drown in medical expenses'.
'Vigorous Debt Collection
A review of Bayview’s financial situation is equally revealing:
Between 2009 and 2018, Bayview filed 2,373 medical debt lawsuits seeking $3,914,775, according to the hospital’s financial filings.
This is curious because Maryland’s unique hospital rate-setting system builds bad debt into the rates that hospitals charge their patients. Thus, we each pay a sort of surcharge to make certain that hospitals do not lose money when patients cannot pay their bills.
Why then is Bayview harassing its mostly impoverished patients'?
So, obviously JOHNS HOPKINS is not being led by the same kinds of CIVIC LEADERS as when it founded. We don't know if the original Hopkins were alive if it would be predatory and profiteering as under BLOOMBERG SCHOOL OF PUBLIC HEALTH-----but, it has ABANDONED its humane vision these few decades of ROBBER BARON sacking and looting of our sovereign US public agencies and people's pockets.
REMEMBER, this FEDERAL health policy of hospitals taking all patients needing care is only good for PUBLIC HOSPITALS. When we allow all PUBLIC HOSPITALS to be enfolded into GLOBAL PRIVATE HEALTH SYSTEMS we lose that right of TREATMENT
'Can Hospitals Turn Away Patients?
- Free Legal Advice
This policy serves a dual purpose by protecting both private hospitals and patients. Private hospitals are protected because they can deny non-emergency care based upon ability to pay and patients are protected because refusal or delay of emergency care based on means to pay is illegal. Patient Protection Under The EMTLA '
Why Baltimore Abandoned Johns Hopkins’ Humane Vision
By Anthony Paletta • May 17, 2019, 12:01 AM
Baltimore rowhouses, with the Johns Hopkins Hospital in the distance.(USDA/Flickr)
The Ghosts of Johns Hopkins: The Life and Legacy That Shaped An American City,
Antero Pietila, Rowman and Littlefield, 336 pages.
There are more than a few ghosts left behind by Johns Hopkins, the 19th-century Baltimore businessman; the man himself remains a generally benevolent apparition, others veritable poltergeists. Johns Hopkins is the ghost of a better Christmas Past and his institutional legacy the best hope for Christmas Future but there haven’t been many lessons learned in the interim and Ignorance and Want attend constantly to the story of that great and unfortunate city.
As for Hopkins’ biographer, Antero Pietila’s own story is a fascinating later piece of the churn of immigration to Baltimore: a Finn who arrived in the United States at 20, he was employed by The Baltimore Sun a mere four years later in 1969 and wrote for them for 35 years, with stints spent at the Sun’s bureaus in Johannesburg and Moscow (just that fact is tangible evidence of Baltimore’s institutional decline).
The Baltimore Sun didn’t mismanage itself into the closure of all of its foreign bureaus; it was the casualty of broader disastrous systemic trends in journalism, just as Baltimore at large is the grievous victim of broader deindustrialization. It boasts problems of corruption and historical racism which were its own devising to be sure. These were easier to handle or ignore when the city was relatively successful, impossible to avoid when it began to decline.
It rose on the back of a variety of industries, many of which Johns Hopkins had an early hand in or were linked to his principal asset, the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. The city reached a peak in the postwar era with a population over 900,000. Long one of the largest of American cities its population declined beginning in the 1960s; enterprises fled or atrophied.
As you know, “Eds-and-Meds” is the revitalization strategy for every single down-at-heels American city, and not unreasonably so, but in few are these hooks hung so dramatically on a single educational and medical institution. Johns Hopkins University is the largest private sector employer in Baltimore and its Health System the third. Pietila writes:
The Hopkins legacy straddles two realities. His pathfinding First World institutions are islands of excellence in a city that rewards mediocrity and increasingly exhibits Third World dysfunctions. Killing and drug addiction are out of control, bureaucracies are faltering amid corruption and falling tax revenues, and kids drop out of school, or are graduated without being able to read or write.
Hopkins was a teetotaling Quaker who achieved an early start bartering his products for whiskey which he sold as “Hopkins’ Best.” He was a strikingly successful businessman whose investments soon grew to involve railroads, steamships, banking, insurance, and more. He was also an Abolitionist in a city with unambiguous southern sympathies. He was a forward-thinking man, and many ensured that his legacy would be foiled in varied ways.
His 1870 bequest of $7 million to establish a university and hospital was the largest to educational institutions in American history to that date. His specifications for a hospital that treated patients regardless of color (and a university that allowed them similarly) were briefly observed—and then entirely ignored. In 1887 the first African-American student was admitted to the University; the second was admitted after World War II. The first African-American MD graduated in 1967. There were initially integrated wards at the Hopkins Hospital: these were subsequently segregated.
The trouble in Baltimore is that its intensive segregation was often implemented decades after the Civil War. Downtown featured a diverse set of businesses and institutions as late as 1900, which were steadily purged. An African-American school opened in 1889 and was evicted 13 years later. In 1903, a mob attached a black Masonic temple. The Baltimore fire of 1904 encouraged mass relocation elsewhere. By the 1950s, the only establishments black diners could patronize in downtown Baltimore were the Greyhound bus terminal, railroad stations, and the YMCA. The first black police officer was hired only in 1937. Maryland belatedly ratified the Fifteenth Amendment in 1973 (which had granted equal rights with three-quarters of the states in 1870).
Attempts to ferret out racial mixing took on almost farcical aspects. The mainly African-American business district on Pennsylvania Avenue had plenty of bars with a “black” liquor license patronized by whites. The city cracked down on this abomination in the early 1950s. In whiplash fashion, this was only a few years before Baltimore’s sweeping school desegregation in 1954.
New Deal redlining, a kind of nonsensical sociological scientism courtesy of the Home Owners Loan Corporation, exacerbated these problems. It’s at times framed inaccurately as entirely a racial classification: older white neighborhoods were also redlined, with their age regarded as an inevitable source of decay, but there’s no question that African Americans suffered worst as they literally couldn’t leave. Pietila quotes a 1943 New York Times report that “in 1943 that Baltimore’s estimated two hundred thousand blacks, are about 20 percent of the total population, were compressed to neighborhoods comprising less than four square miles of the city’s total 78.6.”
Every time something looked better in Baltimore some fresh problem seemed to bedevil it. The end of segregation was chased closely by widespread blockbusting and land-installment contract swindles, large-scale public housing construction and frequent demolition for misbegotten urban renewal.
One understated consequence of the end of segregation was growing black flight to the suburbs: those who could get out of troubled neighborhoods did, generally leaving behind the poorest of residents.
* * *
One of these neighborhoods was the troubled location of the Johns Hopkins Hospital. Originally a “semirural nuisance district” it was host to a shifting variety of populations, Irish, German, Eastern European Jewish and then African-American. One nearby pocket, Little Bohemia, was studded by breweries. The hospital was marooned amidst slums by the 1970s.
It was a potent symbol of inequality. Pietila writes, “The ten census tracks surrounding one of the world’s premier hospitals had one doctor serving six thousand people—or fifteen serving a population of a hundred thousand—whereas national average was one doctor for 750 patients.”
The hospital’s location was in trouble in an age of medical specialization that was increasingly marketable on a national scale:
If Hopkins—and Baltimore—did not provide the desired services and amenities, rival hospitals in other cities were eager to step in. In any case, why would any important person want to come to Hopkins? True, the citadel of hope was a bastion of breakthroughs and excellence. But nothing can erase the stigma of its location smack in the midst of squalor and abandoned buildings, surrounded by poor blacks of all ages whose mere presence and demeanor some visitors viewed as threatening.
Hopkins considered relocating but one obvious spot, the land around the university in more stable North Baltimore was already built up. A move to Columbia, Maryland, was mulled but didn’t happen. Redevelopment schemes came and went, leaving mainly empty lots. A Sheraton was built in 1960 which acquired a reputation as Baltimore’s worst hotel. Some homes were demolished to build nurse-and-doctor dormitories. Redevelopment only accelerated recently, with a Residence Inn constructed nearby.
There is an unfortunate and invidious pattern in Baltimore, starved for any development, of endemic giveaways for any scraps of investment, generally benefitting wealthy institutions or developers. Property tax forgiveness for decades is often the carrot inducing development. Grants intended to foster organic development flow to those with no need of them.
The Residence Inn project received the largest 2018 grant from a state-established Baltimore Regional Neighborhood Initiative, whose funds have generally been awarded to much smaller increments for neighborhood improvements. These funds were disbursed by the Board of Estimate lead by Baltimore’s mayor Catherine Pugh.
Pugh, who resigned, in early May, was the focus of a scandal cartoonish even by Baltimore’s very low standards, which has developed even since this book’s quite recent publication. While serving on the Board of Directors of the University of Maryland Medical system, she arranged the sale of 100,000 copies of her “Healthy Holly” children’s books to the system for $500,000. This would make her one of the most successful children’s authors in the country, with the bill footed not by a publisher but a medical system. There were no competitive processes anywhere near this arrangement and several members of the board made substantial donations and loans to Pugh’s election campaign. It required months and the seeming unanimity of every elected official in Maryland to induce Pugh to resign.
Pugh won election in 2015 running against a disgraced former mayor, Sheila Dixon, who resigned in 2007 as part of a plea bargain after a guilty verdict at trial for a variety of unreported gifts while in office.
Corruption is heavily entrenched at multiple levels and institutions in the city, from schools to community development programs. We are well familiar with considerable problems of corruption in the Baltimore Police. Then-U.S. Attorney for Maryland Rod Rosenstein prosecuted the Baltimore Gun Trace Task Force’s shocking record of organized theft. He commented. “This is not about aggressive policing, it is about a criminal conspiracy. These are really simply robberies by people wearing police uniforms.”
The unquestionable and dire problems of the Baltimore police, from corruption to excess violence have lead to dangerous pendulum swings in other directions. Alex McGIllis recently wrote an excellent profile of the consequences of hands-off policing after the Freddie Grey death, with spiking crime rates the reward to those convinced that the problem is entirely the police or “root causes” of poverty, and not lawbreakers that increasingly are not intercepted.
* * *
It’s not all terrible in Baltimore now or throughout this past. Pietila encapsulates Baltimore’s appeal well, writing about the city in the troublesome 1970s:
Despite a steady exodus to nearby counties, many Baltimoreans found the city as comfortable as a pair of worn-out slippers. It was a nickel city, big enough, cheap, and unpretentious. Washington down the road was a dime city. Each year Straw Hat Day on May 15 marked the return of straw boaters and seersucker attires to be worn until Labor Day. Summertime fun included snoballs, cheap bleacher seats at Memorial Stadium where the Orioles played, ad visits to neighborhood crab houses where waitresses called everyone “hon” and where families hammered steaming crustaceans at long newspaper-covered tables groaning under pitchers of beer.
Baltimore has been home to a striking set of personalities: Poe (dead likely of excess drink amidst a political scam), Mencken, Fitzgerald, Eubie Blake, Billie Holliday, John Waters, Philip Glass, John Barth.
The university plays a somewhat smaller role in this narrative than the hospital does, but it yields many nuggets of interest, from Woodrow Wilson to William Sloane Coffin to Alger Hiss to Chester Wickwire, the William Sloane Coffin of Baltimore. The university was not a draw for revelry for much of its history, or my own attendance. Barth wrote, semi-autobiographically in The Floating Opera: “One thing more, which perhaps distinguished my crowd from similarly exuberant groups of undergraduates at other colleges at the time: those of us who didn’t flunk out got an education—it is difficult to remain long at Hopkins and escape education.”
Baltimore remains a city with an extraordinarily excellent and walkable housing stock, full of historic neighborhoods that have seen good use and many more that have not.
The largely anonymous Inner Harbor district did launch a pattern of development that radiated south and eastward. It’s a city that has attracted gentrification agonies but one according closely to Jason Segedy’s observations about the forgotten problems of urban America—where more neighborhoods are threatened by collapse and extreme concentrated poverty than by an influx of the affluent. A few neighborhoods have changed visibly in the last 15 years, but many more seem frozen in time.
There are no easy solutions to Baltimore’s many intense problems, but Pietila’s account will ensure you don’t stop caring.
How did AFFORDABLE CARE ACT work to reduce BANKRUPTCIES? Well, you force all PUBLIC HEALTH STRUCTURES to enfold into PRIVATE HEALTH STRUCTURES then watch as private health structures refuse to take patients they identify as unable to pay for medical expenses. VOILA----end of medical bankruptcy and MEDICAL bankruptcy does represent a majority of causes for filing.
While global banking CLINTON/OBAMA neo-liberals claimed it was an increased access to HEALTH INSURANCE bringing this decline in medical bankruptcy----that would be FAKE NEWS---FAKE DATA. With growing inability to access any tier of health insurance because premium rates----deductible and co-pay rates------MEDICAL BANKRUPTCY will be a thing of the past.
SURVIVAL OF FITTEST SAYS----JUST DIE.
These articles NEVER mention those two vital policy issues----------private medical institutions do not have to take patients who cannot pay or are already in bankruptcy. It is only PUBLIC MEDICAL facilities and AFFORDABLE CARE ACT had a goal of ending PUBLIC MEDICAL INSTITUTIONS making global private health systems.
Another little-mentioned benefit of Obamacare: It has reduced medical bankruptcies
By Michael Hiltzik
May 09, 2017 | 1:55 PM
Here's another benefit of the Affordable Care Act you may not have read much about, but is profoundly threatened by the Republican repeal effort: It has reduced the tide of healthcare-related personal bankruptcies.
That's the finding of an analysis of bankruptcy court data and the results of a questionnaire of 2,000 consumers just published by Consumer Reports.
Personal bankruptcy filings fell from more than 1.5 million in 2010 to 770,846 last year. The publication acknowledges that several factors have contributed to the decline, particularly 2005 changes in bankruptcy law that made personal bankruptcy harder and more costly to file and the general improvement in the economy since 2008.
But its experts "almost all agreed that expanded health coverage played a major role in the marked, recent decline."
The Consumer Reports study is a new data point in a long-running debate about the impact of medical costs on U.S. households and the effect of bringing insurance coverage to millions more Americans. The issue has become highly politicized, in part because healthcare costs affect households in myriad ways and defining "medical bankruptcy" is difficult.
Another factor is that some of the original studies identifying medical bankruptcy as a problem were co-written by that all-purpose bete noire of conservatives, Elizabeth Warren, when she was a law professor at Harvard and not yet a U.S. senator from Massachusetts.
Her critics attacked as exaggerated her claim that as many as 62% of all personal bankruptcies were medical-related.
But Warren and her co-authors hardly concealed that they were defining medical bankruptcies broadly. In a 2009 paper asserting that "illness or medical bills contributed to 62.1% of all bankruptcies in 2007," they included cases in which any of the following conditions applied: the debtors themselves attributed their filing to medical bills, had bills that came to more than $5,000 or more than 10% of family income, had mortgaged their home to pay those bills, or had lost two weeks or more of income because of their own illness or the need to care for a family member.
Even if that's too inclusive, other studies have found that medical expenses can have a devastating impact on household finances in ways that aren't even captured by the categories listed by Warren et al, and that the Affordable Care Act offered Americans considerable relief. A series of surveys by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention shows that the percentage of Americans reporting problems paying medical bills fell from 56.5% in 2011 to 43.8% in 2016, consistent with the spread of ACA-related insurance coverage.
An especially rigorous analysis published in 2014 by Daniel A. Austin, a law professor at Northeastern University, concluded that even though Warren's definition was too broad, it was nevertheless true that "medical bills are the single largest cause of consumer bankruptcy."
Austin placed the percentage of medical bankruptcies at 18% to 25% of all personal filings nationwide. Interestingly, he showed that the rate was much lower in Massachusetts, where health insurance became mandatory after 2006, prior to passage of the Affordable Care Act in 2010. There, the rate of medical-related bankruptcies was 3% to 9%. Austin's survey covered a random selection of 50 bankruptcy cases filed from 2005 to 2013 in each of 10 jurisdictions — parts of Arkansas, Arizona, California, Georgia, Indiana, New York, Oregon, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin — plus Massachusetts.
It's unsurprising that medical costs might stand alone as a spur to bankruptcy. They can come on suddenly, they're often unexpected, and they can be huge. A household living on the edge of solvency, whether because of overspending, unwise reliance on credit, or other financial pressures could be pushed over the cliff by a sudden health crisis. That underscores how difficult it is to define "medical bankruptcy" — is it the preexisting financial strains that caused the bankruptcy, or the new health-related factor?
Before the Affordable Care Act, insurance plans in the individual and employer-sponsored markets routinely placed annual or lifetime limits on benefits; families facing a serious or chronic medical condition could outspend their annual benefits before the first crocus of spring, and lifetime benefits before the end of the year. The ACA outlawed such limits and mandated annual out-of-pocket limits instead, so the expenses of even the most beleaguered households were capped.
What is known is that among bankruptcy filers listing any medical debt among their liabilities, those expenses were heavy indeed. About 30% of all debtors owed more than $10,000 in medical bills when they filed for bankruptcy.
Austin tried to dispel the murkiness of the definition of "medical bankruptcy" by limiting it to cases in which medical debt came to more than half the debtor's total debt or more than 50% of his or her income, or if the debtors themselves identified it as the primary cause of their filing. Even so, he found, that definition potentially left out hidden medical debts. That's because some was paid by credit card, including special healthcare credit cards or paid out of a second mortgage or home equity line, in which cases it wouldn't appear as a medical liability in a bankruptcy filing.
It's also possible that debtors made a special effort to pay doctor or hospital bills before filing, so they wouldn't lose access to medical care. In those cases paying off the medical debt could have forced them to stiff other creditors; so even though medical costs wouldn't appear on the list of liabilities filed with bankruptcy court, it certainly would be a contributing factor.
Putting it all together, Austin found that medical bankruptcies are real and significant in the financial life of America, and that health insurance brings significant relief.
The Consumer Reports survey supports the conclusion that Obamacare delivered that relief to millions. Jim Molleur, a Maine bankruptcy attorney, told the publication, "We're not getting people with big medical bills, chronically sick people who would hit those lifetime caps or be denied because of preexisting conditions. They seemed to disappear almost overnight once ACA kicked in."
The implications of the Republican repeal of the ACA are inescapable. The measure approved by the GOP-controlled House and sent to the Senate would allow states to reimpose annual and lifetime caps on some benefits and erode protections against rejection or surcharges for consumers with medical conditions.
By killing Medicaid expansion, the bill would expose some 10 million low-income Americans to life without insurance coverage. By cutting back premium subsidies, the measure would make coverage more expensive for older consumers. The plan is not only dangerous for the physical health of millions of Americans, but to their financial health too.
We look at MARYLAND and BALTIMORE for local public policy because that is where we live. What happens here is happening in YOUR NECK OF THE WOODS. Below we see where global hedge fund JOHNS HOPKINS already partnered with national health systems institutions is being allowed to enfold more and more of Maryland's health structures into its HEALTH SYSTEM.
No medical institution is more MEDICAL PATENT-MILL oriented then HOPKINS and nothing makes a health facility less PATIENT-CENTERED/DO NO HARM/HIPPOCRATIC OATH then this hyper-commercialization of medical R AND D.
'Hopkins professors receive grants to commercialize research
By: Tim Curtis Daily Record Business Writer March 8, 2019
Johns Hopkins University opened FastForward in 2017.
(The Daly Record / Maximilian Franz)... See More
Here we see the expansion outside of Maryland into PA----here is FL ------in WASH DC-----and by extension of partnerships with KAISER PERMANENTE of CA-----the expansion hits west coast.
It is no surprise that Maryland's public health structure is likely to fall into PRIVATE HEALTH SYSTEM structures eliminating all that ACCESS TO PATIENT CARE afforded to everyone in need.
'Johns Hopkins to Merge with All Children’s Hospital of Tampa
Johns Hopkins to Merge with All Children’s Hospital of Tampa'
Here we see GLOBAL HEDGE FUND JOHNS HOPKINS as top--patent earning while reporting only a .46% PROFIT annually.
What is the difference? TIER 1 TIER 2 global corporations pay no taxes. Hopkins as a patent machine is making itself a TIER 1 PRODUCER as well as being a lower-tier health services corporation.
If HOPKINS is allowed to engulf both UMMS------which we think is on the way------AND MED-STAR which we feel was likely a private spin-off of HOPKINS a few decades ago------HOPKINS will be almost the only health system in this REGION/US FOREIGN ECONOMIC ZONE.
Johns Hopkins makes list of top 10 patent-earning universities worldwide
via Baltimore Checkbook'
What is Drexel University School of Public Health's motto?
The motto of Drexel University School of Public Health is 'Public Health, Human Rights'.
When was Drexel University School of Public Health created?
Drexel University School of Public Health was created in 1996.
WHEN ALL OUR US SCHOOLS OF 'PUBLIC' HEALTH ARE ON THE MOST PRIVATIZED GLOBAL HEALTH SYSTEM CAMPUSES----PATENT-MILLS racing to be that TOP TIER INTERNATIONAL GLOBAL HEALTH SYSTEM.
But that UMMS/HOPKINS' HEALTH RESEARCH gets to spin-off million dollar patent businesses------he's a WINNER
Drexel Moves Forward in Prestigious List of Top 100 International Universities Granted US Utility Patents
By: Alissa Falcone
June 5, 2019
The ankle replacement device developed by College of Engineering Professor Sorin Siegler, PhD, and the Drexel start-up company Kinos Medical led by Drexel alumnus Brian Garvey.Drexel University once again ranked in the National Academy of Inventors (NAI) and Intellectual Property Owners Association (IPO)’s list of the world’s top 100 universities for patents granted in the country in 2018.