I want to bring all three elements of NEW WORLD ORDER back together -----Global corporate and wealth families ruling CITY STATES (INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC ZONES ARE THE SAME AS MEDIEVAL FLORENCE OR VENICE)and writing all laws------The CHURCH, especially the Catholic Church controlling all that is societal not connected with doing business-----and THE TRADE GUILDS working for corporate patrons for limited contracts.
Trans Pacific Trade Pact is simply this reorganization of the US to this global corporate tribunal rule---International US labor unions are simply working to dismantle US social democratic labor unions and replace labor structures to these global TRADE GUILDS and the church as government is simply helping to move a first world strong middle-class into deep poverty and telling them to accept it.
Again, the people involved in administering all this are around 5% of the US population. They are the few making gains in the stock market and are the secret knock and handshake people who will, at the local and state level, be thrown under the bus after all this economic crash and global corporate control of International Economic Zones in the US occur---if left unchecked----that will be a decade or so. The only TRADE GUILD 'master craftsmen' will be global players----the US players will disappear. Think about Ronald Reagan or Michael Jordan----both Freemasons----Reagan was a grad of Catholic university Notre Dame and then an ACTOR's GUILD member later to be the source of Reaganomics and neo-liberalism. Jordan is an athletic star----also a member of the entertainment guild selling underserved families on how cool privatizing their public schools with his school brand.
It was all-American social democratic labor unions and the rights negotiated over a century that gave both the ability to negotiate huge salaries once they were established as stars.
TRADE GUILDs will have these 'stars' living very simple lives with no money only having the perk of partying and eating with the rich as entertainment.
THERE WILL BE NO WEALTHY TRADE GUILD WORKERS.
In Baltimore for example------the RAVENS won the SuperBowl and the superstars on the team were IMMEDIATELY traded away for cheaper players----these national leagues earn all their revenue from selling games to media and could care less about having a winning team.....IT IS SIMPLY ENTERTAINMENT. Stars like Ray Lewis only get to continue in football if they work with neo-liberals installing International Economic Zone policy.
Who Ruined the NFL Players Union?
When the National Football League Players Association gathers in Hawaii this weekend for its annual meeting, executive director DeMaurice Smith will be on the ballot for reelection—and unlike his unopposed, rubber-stamped renewal in 2012, he'll have seven challengers this time around, an unprecedented number for a union that has had only four executive directors in its 47-year history. The contenders for the March 15 election include former players Sean Gilbert and Robert Griffith; attorneys Jim Acho and Andrew Smith; current and former NFLPA executives Jason Belser and Art McAfee; and even a retired U.S. Navy admiral, John Stufflebeem. All are vying to influence professional football's future, and while each has a unique vision of what that should look like, they agree on this much: DeMaurice Smith has failed, and he must go.
Gilbert contends that the lockout-ending 2011 deal with the NFL overseen by Smith will cost players $10 billion over a decade. Stufflebeem believes that Smith's oft-frosty relationship with league commissioner Roger Goodell has been counterproductive. Acho thinks Smith hasn't done enough for player health care. Andrew Smith wonders if the NFLPA itself hasn't been financially mismanaged. A candidate who did not make the union's final executive director ballot, former player Sean Morey, released a detailed and scathing campaign platform that synthesized multiple complaints against Smith, calling for an outside investigation of his tenure; meanwhile, a prominent sports attorney who lost to Smith in a 2009 race for the executive director job, David Cornwell, wrote in a 2012 open letter to NFL agents that he was "stunned at what the NFLPA has become under De[Maurice]," arguing that "the results of his leadership are dangerously inadequate" and concluding that "past is indeed prologue and players should judge De's past in assessing his future."
Three years later, 32 union player representatives will be judging Smith's past in order to determine the best way forward. While doing so, they'll have to answer a single question, the same one being asked by Smith's opponents.
Is Cornwell right?
This ain't gonna be pretty, DeMaurice. Image via Mark J. Rebilas-USA TODAY Sports
"The worst deal in the history of sportsPrior to the 2011 lockout, the NFL made a final offer to the NFLPA that reportedly included guaranteed, incremental increases in player pay. The union said no. Smith subsequently called the proposal "the worst deal in the history of sports."In retrospect, he may have spoken too soon.
Two years ago, Ben Volin of the Boston Globe evaluated the 10-year pact that Smith spearheaded and ultimately signed, concluding that "no matter how you slice it, the owners obliterated" the NFLPA. A prominent, anonymous NFL agent was even less charitable, telling Volin that the union "absolutely failed" its membership by agreeing to "the worst CBA in professional sports history."
Hyperbolic? Perhaps. On the other hand, there's no denying basic arithmetic. Smith's deal is far less lucrative than the one negotiated by his predecessor, longtime union head Gene Upshaw, whose unexpected death in 2008 led to Smith's election. Gilbert calculates that compared to the old CBA, the new labor agreement will shift $10 billion from players to owners over its 10-year duration. Morey estimates that the total transfer could be closer to $15 billion—a staggering $1.25 billion loss per season, or more money than the gross domestic product of Tonga, the Solomon Islands and 20 other countries.
Whatever the exact amount, the underlying math is simple. Under Upshaw's pact, players received 59 percent of net league revenues; under Smith's deal, they receive 47 percent of the same. What are "net revenues?" Basically, it's all the money made each year by the NFL, minus a set-aside that goes directly into owners' pockets. The set-aside amount varies—in the old CBA, it was roughly $1 billion; in the new agreement, it could be even larger depending on league and team accounting trick—but for players, one number matters most: Smith guided them to a collective 12 percent annual pay cut.
The proof is in the salary cap.
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Bill and Hillary Clinton were great organizers of groups they intended to use in cities becoming International Economic Zones. As in Baltimore, it is the fraternity and sororities that are given the secret handshake and funny hats but look at what universities are being closed-----ALL OF THE PUBLIC UNIVERSITIES INCLUDING HISTORICALLY BLACK COLLEGES sources of much of Clinton neo-liberal policy-pushers for two decades. The only frat/sorority system that will last for a while longer will be in the IVY LEAGUES-----but they too will go. In Baltimore, most of media, pols, directors of corporate non-profits, and mega-church black ministers are tied to this frat/sorority structure that kept Baltimore politics captured for neo-conservative Johns Hopkins and Wall Steet Baltimore Development. These are the KNOCK KNOCK lower Freemasons on their way out. The DARK AGES only had the rich attending university or through the Catholic Church. So too is this Clinton/Bush global policies with corporate education reform.
'Not to mention the fact that college campus Greek system members are known as secret societies in an age where privacy has become incredibly open since people decided to divulge the minute, private, and personal details of their lives online'.
So, American labor unions being replaced by global TRADE GUILDS and public university frats/soror being killed and booted from Freemasonry as the Pope Benedict/Francis takes the Catholic Church towards a fascist right----
THIS IS DARK AGES NEO-LIBERALISM AND NEO-CONSERVATISM.
THIS IS WHY I KEEP URGING LABOR UNION MEMBERS AND FRAT/SORORITY MEMBERS TO JUMP SHIP NOW----WORK TO BRING SOCIAL DEMOCRACY BACK TO FULL STRENGTH. These frats/sororities were Clinton's behind the scenes movers and shakers of captured Democratic politics holding control to neo-liberalism.
'Not to mention the fact that college campus Greek system members are known as secret societies in an age where privacy has become incredibly open since people decided to divulge the minute, private, and personal details of their lives online'.
Are Fraternities and Sororities Dying?
As another college year gets going, many students are pondering joining fraternities and sororities. It’s not an easy decision for many and fnding reasons to join may become fewer and far between in the years to come.
When I was in college, I was in a fraternity. In some ways it was a great experience and as the cliché goes, I wouldn’t trade it for anything. I still meet up with the alumni every year and it’s great to see that most of them have good jobs, great families, and appear to be generally happy.
Is the Greek System on Life Support?
Are American fraternities and sororities becoming a dying breed? That’s a big question these days as there is so much competition for college student time, especially from the Internet. With its many opportunities to waste enourmous amounts of time like playing on Facebook, is there even time left to rush a Greek organization?
Not to mention the fact that college campus Greek system members are known as secret societies in an age where privacy has become incredibly open since people decided to divulge the minute, private, and personal details of their lives online.
With incidents of hazing, binge drinking and brawling casting a dark shadow on a once positive image, coupled with a strong shift in social attitude and demographics, fraternities and sororities have seen a sharp member decline in recent years. Despite the negative reputation, there are still many positive reasons to join a fraternity or sorority but, as with anything else, for every pro there is a con.
The Benefits of PledgingPro: A sense of family.
When students go to college, it’s often their first time away from home. Staying in a fraternity or sorority can remedy feelings of loneliness.
Pro: Built-in cheering squad.
Many organizations have GPA requirements for members and, with a mutual goal of graduating, there is nothing like having a team of supporters when working toward that goal.
Pro: Lifelong friends.
Joining a brotherhood or sisterhood means making friends for life. As those friends head out into the world after graduation, networking can be the key to a successful job in tight economy.
Pro: Diversity.
Finding a new circle of friends isn’t always easy at college. When you find the right group to join, it gives you a built-in gang of friends to hang out with, learn from, admire, detest, and more!
Pro: Community service.
There is almost always some component of community service associated with membership. You’ll be doing philanthropy, often by raising money for charity which is a great activity to be a part of. Sure you could volunteer somewhere even without being a member, but what fun would that be?!
Pro: Having a social life.
Yes, you have parties, be invited to them, and meet members of the opposite sex who are interested… It’s awesome.
Pro: A sense of pride.
Pledges that jump through hoops and get accepted into an organization often do so with a sense of pride. While some pledges are continuing a family tradition, others simply want belonging.
The Cons of PledgingCon: Pressure to fit-in
Between classes, school work and internships, students have a full plate. Topping that plate off with a hectic social schedule and the constant expectation to constantly behave within the spirit of the organization can overwhelm pledges.
Con: Binge drinking, hazing and social stigma.
With all the negative press in recent years combined with hazing tactics and pressure to party, joining a fraternity just isn’t considered as cool as it once was.
Con: Obligation interrupts schooling.
Both fraternities and sororities are always fundraising, doing community service and holding events. Members are forced to contribute time and effort that might be better spent on school work.
Con: Hierarchy.
There is almost always a pecking order that demands respect to seniority. Forced to adhere to a senior’s bidding during rush there’s nothing fun about some upperclassman throwing his weight around. However, if you join the fraternity that’s right for you, it doesn’t have to be that way.
The New RealityTechnology has made socializing easier in some ways as students can use it to meet new people, date, make new friends, organize their social calendar and so on.
Still, the TV show “Greek” is a phenomenal success as it’s entertaining and relevant. Everyone in the Greek system can appreciate that show on some level. What’s interesting is its timing. As the fewer students join, there is still interest in the show. Perhaps shows like Greek will inspire a new generation of students to join, despite competing media.
What About You?Is it the end of the road for the Greek system at your school? The above list is certainly not meant to be exhaustive, just a detaling of some of the most important points. It would be great to hear from people with intelligent points to make (not just “I love frats” or “I hate sororities”).
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As this article says-----university frats have been drunken partiers for ever so why all the media attention these last few decades? It is because frats are going to disappear with public universities and only the IVY LEAGUE universities will have these secret society structures like Skull and Bones. National media is simply being used to build this as a positive thing. The good news----all of those funny hat secret handshakers Clinton used can break loose and push to rebuild the social Democratic Party.
'And that is what is ultimately going to cause the death of fraternities: sensitivity and perception. Because as we all know, for better or for worse, perception is reality. And the perception of fraternities is that all they do is cause trouble. Hell, there is even an interactive timeline on Bloomberg.com that shows “Every Time a Fraternity or Sorority Got in Trouble This Year”.'
CollegeSep 9, 2015 10:20 am|Updated: Sep 9, 2015 9:30 pm0
Why Fraternities Are Dying: Written By a Member of a Dying Fraternity
Eric Italiano
107 6 5
Let’s wind the clocks back to 1993, the year I was born. The internet was in its infancy, and cell phones were the size of a brick. Tablets and virtual reality were only found in science fiction. The foremost claim to fame fraternities had was John Belushi wrapped in a bed sheet. Forrest Gump had yet to explain to the world what life is like.
Now, 22 years later, a lot has changed. Twitter is arguably the foremost news source in the world. Transgender Olympians receive more media attention than a controversial deal with a nuclear capable nation. A black man is the president of the United States, and a woman is the favorite to be the next. Gay marriage is not only feverishly advocated for, but constitutionally legal. Marijuana is becoming a lesser evil than alcohol, again. We now know that life is like a box of chocolates.
22 years later, we live in an exponentially hyperactive, hypersensitive world. Remember #KONY2012? Remember Trayvon Martin? Or better yet, I want you to name 5 of the towns that have had mass shootings since 2000. I bet you can’t do it. Don’t worry, neither can I. If you gave us a couple of minutes, I’m sure we all could remember at least 5, but the point I’m making is this: what was once a trending hashtag now has become somewhat of an afterthought. But that doesn’t make you, or me, a monster. It makes us human. A human in a world where anything that will get a click will be written and shared, no matter how horrible the subject. A world where people will tweet and post to Instagram and Facebook advocating for a cause that they virtually forget all about half a year later. We live in a hyperactive, hypersensitive world. And anything that becomes a target in this world, that rocks enough people’s boats, will be swiftly annihilated. And that brings us to the reason you are reading this post: because of your opinion on the state of fraternities. Well, here is mine.
Fraternities raise A LOT of questions. Why join? Are they really paying for their friends? Do the positives outweigh the negatives? Is rape culture real? Is the statistic that fraternity members have a higher average GPA legit? What is an elephant walk? Who is The Sir (or The Man, or the Pledge Master/Educator, or whatever the f*ck you call it)? And unfortunately, a lot of these seemingly black-and-white questions produce frustratingly gray answers. Is rape culture real? Yes, unequivocally, rape culture in fraternities is real. But is it the widespread epidemic that the media portrays? Of course not. If you are in a fraternity, does that make you a sex-crazed molesting demon spawn? Also, of course not. But are there the handful of degenerates that perpetuate the rape culture and deserve to be banished? Of course.
You see, the problem with fraternities is not their actions: whether you want to realize it or not, fraternities have always been this way. In fact, they probably used to be worse. The only thing that has changed is the attention fraternities receive. For example, take these jerkoff’s from Old Dominion University, who found themselves in hot water these last few weeks over the offensive banners they strung from their house. Mind you, these gents aren’t creative geniuses, they aren’t this “funny”: they got the idea from somewhere. And that somewhere is a long history of fraternities pulling misguided pranks.
Needless to say, the internet exploded. Monsters! Deviants! Rapists! Typical frat boys! That’s what the masses were saying. However, odds are, 98% percent of this particular fraternity are genuinely good dudes. But that doesn’t excuse them from being f*cking morons. And trust me when I say this, as a member of a once controversial fraternity, these guys are f*cking morons. In the world of moment-to-moment action and reaction, from SnapChat stories to live tweeting, anything — and I mean anything — has the potential to become viral. These boys wanted to go viral. These boys were asking for that attention; however, what they failed to realize is that, today, any attention a fraternity receives, is probably negative. They were asking for attention in a world where anonymity is safety. Not all publicity is good publicity, especially in greek life. In the minds’ of the fraternity brothers, it was a mildly harmless, decently hilarious prank, poking fun at incoming freshman and their families. But to the rest of the world, to the people, it was perceived as an immature, insensitive promotion of rape culture. And that is what is ultimately going to cause the death of fraternities: sensitivity and perception. Because as we all know, for better or for worse, perception is reality. And the perception of fraternities is that all they do is cause trouble. Hell, there is even an interactive timeline on Bloomberg.com that shows “Every Time a Fraternity or Sorority Got in Trouble This Year”.
And the perception of fraternities is that they are a diseased, dying breed that need to either be hung by their thumbs in the middle of Main Street, or put down quietly behind the family shed. The perception is that there is no room in the world for fraternal antics, and unfortunately, that perception is correct. We live in a hypersensitive world, a world where everyone is a social media activist; a world where everyone “cares.” In 2015, there is no room for a breeding ground of alcohol, drug use, and sex, which in the eyes of the public, is all fraternities are. Back in the 1970’s heyday of sex, drugs, and alcohol, “fraternal behavior” was commonplace. In fact, it was more or less encouraged. But today, “fraternal behavior” is seen as unnecessary nuisance that only complicates an increasingly chaotic, nuisance-filled world. Forget about the brotherhood bond, forget about philanthropy, forget about all of that. As we all know of mass media, sex and violence sell, and unfortunately for fraternities, that not only remains true, but is exaggerated.
When I first started working at COED, my editor said to me, “Eric, don’t sh*t on fraternities just to sh*t on them.” I quietly nodded my head in agreement, not because I’m a nervous new intern, but because I didn’t feel it was my place to tell him he was wrong. (Sorry, Ned.) I don’t sh*t on fraternities just to sh*t on them; they sh*t on themselves, I just report on it. Just like everyone else reports on it. And every report I write, every negative greek-related headline I create, is another nail in the fraternal coffin. Because in the hypersensitive, second-to-second ‘perception is reality’ world of 2015, there is no room for sex-crazed, alcohol-fueled, polo-wearing millennials. We have too much other important sh*t to deal with.
Ask me, and I’ll tell you fraternities should always have a place in our society. Ask me, and I’ll tell you that I love my brotherhood, and my brothers, and that joining a fraternity my first semester of college was one of the best decisions I have ever made. But it doesn’t matter what you or I think about fraternities. The only thing that matters is what the media, and therefore the masses, think. The death of fraternities will not be caused by the actions of its members, but by the sensitivity of its outsiders. Fraternities are bold, they are controversial, they are misunderstood, and misrepresented, and unfortunately, they are not long for this increasingly hypersensitive world.
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This is of course to where Historically Black College frats and sororities are being pushed as state universities are closed. They are corporations being told to be the leaders in the African free-trade zone Clinton International Economic Zone attack on Africa. The national Frats will become the secret handshake people working globally----as state and local frats and sororities disappear.
IT IS THE SAME THING DONE TO US LABOR UNIONS---THEY WERE MADE BANKS NOW MOVING TO GLOBAL TRADE GUILDS
'Omega is in this unique position because it has a commercial brand that is successfully marketed and it has means of producing revenue. It also has its own banking system with the strong potential for expansion. If Omega’s system can efficiently be used to build educational, political, social and cultural programs to uplift African people, it will in turn uplift humanity'.
As you see, the secret society group in both labor and university are going global leaving the benefits that came in the US behind. THIS IS WHAT BECOMING AN EX-PAT LOOKS LIKE!
Revolution for Black Fraternity Relevance to the Global African Struggle: Proposed by All Revolutionary
Qs Paperback – October 7, 2015
by Louis Jefferson (Author)
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See all formats and editions The global assault on African people requires a comprehensive strategy to counter the onslaught. This book explores how Black fraternities in the United States can become relevant to the struggle of African people through collective work and responsibility and cooperative economics. Black Fraternities are comprised of very well educated black men which provides a professional/intellectual pool as well as financial resources that could provide an infrastructure to build a significant social movement. Most of them have been established with that goal in mind. However, throughout time they have lost sight of those goals and have rendered themselves on the margins of relevance to the Global African struggle. There is focus on Omega Psi Phi Fraternity in this book only because the author is a member of that fraternity and has a more intimate understanding of the intricacies of that fraternity. However, the ideas presented in this book may serve as a paradigm for black fraternities and sororities. With Omega as a paradigm for black fraternities, this book calls the reader to consider that Omega is in a unique position to economically and intellectually support a national/international movement to uplift African people as well as all downtrodden humanity. Omega is in this unique position because it has an economic infrastructure that generates capital without external support. Omega also has the intellectual and professional capacity capable of implementing economic, social, educational and cultural programs that can systematically uplift the downtrodden in a substantive way. Omega is in this unique position because it has a commercial brand that is successfully marketed and it has means of producing revenue. It also has its own banking system with the strong potential for expansion. If Omega’s system can efficiently be used to build educational, political, social and cultural programs to uplift African people, it will in turn uplift humanity. The purpose of this book is to provide ideas as to how black fraternities can become more relevant in the context of today’s challenges and to spell out practical strategies for them to consider. It is also a hope that this book elevates the expectations of fraternities by the people of which they are designed to serve.
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I see each American trade union looking just as below----it is an International Association. These international unions are closely tied to developers and Wall Street and will indeed support the creation of International Economic Zones in the US just because it brings building jobs. At the same time----these International union leaders are embracing laws in the US that will make our US labor unions into TRADE GUILDS where the international hierarchy works for global corporations and American workers are just human capital. As with global fraternities------these global TRADE GUILDS have their own banks making them corporations themselves.
THIS MAKES WHAT WAS A SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC LABOR UNION GROUP INTO THIS FAR-RIGHT NEO-LIBERAL TRADE GUILD STRUCTURE.
SMWIA, the Sheet Metal Workers' International Association,
represents 150,000 skilled craftpersons throughout the United States, Canada, and Puerto Rico. Sheet Metal Workers perform architectural sheet metal work, fabrication, installation, and service of heating, ventilating and air conditioning systems, shipbuilding, rail work and more.
The article below hints at Marxism for unions while we all see the international Trade unions tied closely to Clinton neo-liberals----RIGHT WING GLOBAL CORPORATIZISM. What we see here as well it this push by International Trade GUILDS to kill public sector unions. We see that in the US as well as International unions backing Clinton neo-liberals dismantling our public sector with public private partnerships that are simply corporate controlled government. Below you see again-----the ITUC pushing for the break up of social democratic Greece to privatize and move to corporate unions. Social Democracy is what led to people as citizens having rights earning good wages-----and International Trade Union leaders have their sights on being International TRADE GUILDS killing social democracy and installing a DARK AGES structure with the few GUILD leaders on top.
THIS IS WHAT NEO-CONS AND NEO-LIBERALS ARE TRYING TO CREATE----THIS MARXIST STALINIST LIBERTARIANISM THAT IS EXACTLY HOW YOU WOULD DESCRIBE THE DARK AGES.
Killing public sector unions kills social democracy and sends labor back to RICH PATRON/TRADE GUILD/CHURCH Dark Ages society.
17/12/2011
Trade unions and social democracy: The rift widens
This article appears in the current issue of Solidarity.
In an interview this week for an Australian newspaper, the leader of the world’s trade union movement made an interesting observation.
“Have progressive parties lost the narrative that connects them with working people in many countries?” asked Sharan Burrow, general secretary of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC).
One would have expected a diplomatic answer — something along the lines of, well, it varies from country to country, clearly some labour and social democratic parties remain closer to their roots, and so on.
But that is not what she said. Burrow, who chose not to pursue a political career in Australia and instead moved to Brussels to take over the ITUC, was blunt:
“The answer is yes, absolutely,” she said. Labour and social democratic parties have lost their connection with the working class.
So next you’d expect her to say that it was really important for those parties to rebuild those connections, that unions and the parties they founded needed to re-connect, and so on.
But once again, her answer was surprising.
“My job is not to worry about the parties,” she said, “but to build the issues on which we can base a conversation with workers.”
“We” in this case means the trade union movement.
She did have one final comment for the politicians, though.
“If any smart politician who shares even an ounce of our values can’t get elected on the basis of that conversation, that is, frankly, pretty despairing stuff.”
I found her comments very interesting coming in the wake of November 30th public sector strike here in the UK — a strike which went ahead without the support of the Labour Party or its leader, Ed Miliband, who was elected with the support of unions.
Trade unionists in a number of countries are finding that the political parties acting in their names are doing very little on their behalf. In some cases, this is causing unions to turn inward. When Sharan Burrow says “my job is not to worry about the parties” it’s a clear expression of that feeling.
And the feeling is global. In the USA, many trade unionists have expressed a deep frustration with the Obama administration. Unions had a long shopping list for the first Democrat to win a national election since 1996 — and the top of their list was passage of labour law reform. They didn’t get it. Banks got bailed out, but unions got very little.
Marxists like to point out that the Democratic Party in the USA is a bourgeois party, so that’s pretty much what we can expect.
But this is a naive explanation. Unions in the USA play roughly the same role with regard to the Democrats as British unions do with regard to the Labour Party here. Sometimes, Democratic politicians even sound more left-wing than their British labour counterparts.
There are even worse cases like these — such as the Greek social democrats managing an austerity drive that triggered massive street protests. One imagines that Greek trade unionists have little time for “progressive” politicians these days.
There are, of course, notable exceptions. In Canada, the union-backed New Democratic Party which did extremely well in the most recent federal elections, threw its parliamentary support behind postal workers and others in recent national disputes.
One doesn’t have to be a supporter of the Fourth International to get that there is a growing rift between the working class and the social democratic and labour parties that speak in its name.
To hear a moderate, mainstream trade union leader like Sharan Burrow make comments like that shows just how far things have gone.
At the end of the interview, Burrow says “we believe in non-violent protest, absolutely.” But then she adds, “if there’s no capacity to resolve the problem, then we are on the streets.”
The question is not how mainstream left parties can re-connect to their base. Burrow is right about that. It’s a bigger problem.
And yet her comments leave many unanswered questions.
Can unions go it alone? Do they not need to be engaged in politics?
Can parliaments and local governments be left in the hands of those who have no sympathy for and no connection to the working class?
Is being “on the streets” a strategy?
The willingness of trade union leaders like Burrow to speak the plain truth opens the possibility of having a serious conversation about these issues in the labour movement. And that’s a conversation in which Marxists have something to say.
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I love this way of presenting political philosophy------it gives a clear picture of authoritarian and autocratic right-wing political structures like neo-liberalism ---and look----there is George Bush and Pope Benedict in this category with NEW LABOR----that is neo-liberalism. 'They show Left and Right as an economic scale, with Authoritarian and Libertarian making up the political scale, crossing the economic scale resulting in quadrants':
Ronald Reagan neo-liberalism was meant to sell the Republican voters on restructuring taxes and used free market as a code for getting rid of all the progressive policies from last century-----deregulation. He captured Republican voters and conservative Democrats with this propaganda. Clinton ran with it in the Democratic Party. Neo-liberalism was never about building free markets or lowering taxes on main street---it was about dismantling all our US Constitutional structures and moving all American wealth to the top to create the global corporate wealth and power structure of the DARK AGES. So, Reagan dismantled high tax brackets on corporations and the rich while raising taxes on main street---tripling payroll taxes for example. This was the start towards moving America to the DARK AGES structure of rich and corporations taxing the working poor into destitution. Remember, they confiscated peasant crops for taxes. Today----this structure is validated by Obama having an IRS that ignores collecting corporate/wealth taxes that are evaded while states and cities are loading taxes, fees, and fines on main street. Free market was always a myth. If you totally deregulate and allow corporations to do anything for profit----you get winners and losers----fraud and corruption---and richer corporations buying political subsidy -----NONE OF WHICH IS FREE MARKET. It's far-right autocratic Republican -----not conservative Republican. It was used simply to allow this massive consolidation of industries in the US through what are criminal actions like BAINS CAPITAL gutting of healthy corporations to send them into bankruptcy. Those are the smaller corporations that would have been free market competitors. As the Defense Industry and Development building industry went global---so too did the TRADE UNIONS and that is when this patronage vs TRADE GUILD structure started. Maryland's unions are very much tied to this as are most Republican states. Allowing corporations to go global created the vacuum of small and regional businesses that used to have unions. Watch as powerful unions like global Aerospace and Automobile fall into this co-op as TRADE GUILD structure.
NONE OF THIS IS FREE MARKET FOLKS---NONE OF THIS IS ABOUT LOWER TAXES ON MAIN STREET-----OR CREATING JOBS.
People knowing national public policy knew all this in the 1980s----we knew those city MASTER PLANS were for the return of global corporations and International Economic Zones back in the 1980-1990s----we were simply not allowed voice in universities and non-profits that once were social democratic labor and justice. The point today-----most Americans understand this now AND IT IS NOT TOO LATE TO REVERSE THIS. If we know this DARK AGES structure and its players---we know how to engage in politics and educate to get rid of players posing as Republican and Democratic politicians.
'Rooted in Mercantilism
Adam Smith’s work did, however, expose the previous fraud that was the mercantilist system, which enriched the imperial powers at the expense of others. This mercantilism had its roots in the Middle and Dark Ages of Europe, many hundreds of years earlier and also parallels various methods used by empires throughout history (including today) to control their peripheries and appropriate wealth accordingly. Furthermore, as J.W. Smith argues, even though it is claimed to be Adam Smith free trade, neoliberalism was and is mercantilism dressed up with more friendly rhetoric, while the reality remains the same as the mercantilist processes over the last several hundred years':
A Primer on Neoliberalism
This section attempts to provide an overview. First, a distinction is made between political and economic liberalism. Then, neoliberalism as an ideology for how to best structure economies is explained. Lastly, for important context, there is a quick historical overview as to how this ideology developed.
Political versus Economic Liberalism
There is an important difference between liberal politics and liberal economics. But this distinction is usually not articulated in the mainstream.
As summarized here by Elizabeth Martinez and Arnoldo Garcia:
“Liberalism” can refer to political, economic, or even religious ideas. In the U.S. political liberalism has been a strategy to prevent social conflict. It is presented to poor and working people as progressive compared to conservative or Right wing. Economic liberalism is different. Conservative politicians who say they hate “liberals” — meaning the political type — have no real problem with economic liberalism, including neoliberalism.
— Elizabeth Martinez and Arnoldo Garcia, What is “Neo-Liberalism”?, National Network for Immigrant and Refugee Rights, January 1, 1997 (posted at CorpWatch.org)
The web site, Political Compass, also highlights these differences very well.
They show Left and Right as an economic scale, with Authoritarian and Libertarian making up the political scale, crossing the economic scale resulting in quadrants:
© Political Compass
In addition, they note that, “despite popular perceptions, the opposite of fascism is not communism but anarchism (ie liberal socialism), and that the opposite of communism (i.e. an entirely state-planned economy) is neo-liberalism (i.e. extreme deregulated economy).” This is made clear by another chart they have:
A few other charts of theirs are of interest:
1) The positions of some well-known political figures in the world
(In the above, it is interesting to note how most of the world’s influential leaders, from the wealthiest and most poweful countries all fall into the area of authoritarian-right.)
2) A look at English political parties and how they fair (even the “left” ones.)
3) It is also interesting to see how the three main British political parties have changed over time, as Political Compass shows:
4) The last US elections (2004) show the political spectrum between John Kerry and George W. Bush was note that wide:
They also make a distinction about neo-conservatives and neoliberals:
U.S. neo-conservatives, with their commitment to high military spending and the global assertion of national values, tend to be more authoritarian than hard right. By contrast, neo-liberals, opposed to such moral leadership and, more especially, the ensuing demands on the tax payer, belong to a further right but less authoritarian region. Paradoxically, the "free market", in neo-con parlance, also allows for the large-scale subsidy of the military-industrial complex, a considerable degree of corporate welfare, and protectionism when deemed in the national interest. These are viewed by neo-libs as impediments to the unfettered market forces that they champion.
— About the Political Compass, January 6, 2004
What the above highlights then, is that in some countries, discourse on these topics may appear to fit into left-right balance, but when looked at a more global scale, the range of discourse may be narrow. Economic issues such as globalization, especially as it affects third world countries as well as those in the first world, require a broader range of discussion.
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Neoliberalism is...Neoliberalism, in theory, is essentially about making trade between nations easier. It is about freer movement of goods, resources and enterprises in a bid to always find cheaper resources, to maximize profits and efficiency.
To help accomplish this, neoliberalism requires the removal of various controls deemed as barriers to free trade, such as:
As summarized from What is “Neo-Liberalism”? A brief definition for activists by Elizabeth Martinez and Arnoldo Garcia from Corporate Watch, the main points of neoliberalism includes:
From a power perspective, “free” trade in reality is seen by many around the world as a continuation of those old policies of plunder, whether it is intended to be or not. However, we do not usually hear such discussions in the mainstream media, even though thousands have protested around the world for decades.
Today then, neoliberal policies are seeing positives and negatives. Under free enterprise, there have been many innovative products. Growth and development for some have been immense. Unfortunately, for most people in the world there has been an increase in poverty and the innovation and growth has not been designed to meet immediate needs for many of the world’s people. Global inequalities on various indicators are sharp. For example,
And as J.W. Smith has argued:
One cannot separate economics, political science, and history. Politics is the control of the economy. History, when accurately and fully recorded, is that story. In most textbooks and classrooms, not only are these three fields of study separated, but they are further compartmentalized into separate subfields, obscuring the close interconnections between them.
— J.W. Smith, The World’s Wasted Wealth 2, (Institute for Economic Democracy, 1994), p. 22.
Issues such as the criticisms of “free” trade, of protests around the world, and many others angles are discussed on this section’s subsequent pages.
The history of neoliberalism and how it has come about is worth looking at first, however, to get some crucial context, and to understand why so many people around the world criticize it.
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Brief overview of Neoliberalism’s History: How did it develop?Free Markets Were Not Natural. They Were Enforced
The modern system of free trade, free enterprise and market-based economies, actually emerged around 200 years ago, as one of the main engines of development for the Industrial Revolution.
In 1776, British economist Adam Smith published his book, The Wealth of Nations. Adam Smith, who some regard as the father of modern free market capitalism and this very influential book, suggested that for maximum efficiency, all forms of government interventions in economic issues should be removed and that there should be no restrictions or tariffs on manufacturing and commerce within a nation for it to develop.
For this to work, social traditions had to be transformed. Free markets were not inevitable, naturally occurring processes. They had to be forced upon people. John Gray, professor of European thought at the London School of Economics, a prominent conservative political thinker and an influence on Margaret Thatcher and the New Right in Britain in the 1980s, notes:
Mid-nineteenth century England was the subject of a far-reaching experiment in social engineering. Its objective was to free economic life from social and political control and it did so by constructing a new institution, the free market, and by breaking up the more socially rooted markets that had existed in England for centuries. The free market created a new type of economy in which prices of all goods, including labour, changed without regard to their effects on society. In the past economic life had been constrained by the need to maintain social cohesion. It was conducted in social markets — markets that were embedded in society and subject to many kinds of regulation and restraint. The goal of the experiment that was attempted in mid-Victorian England was to demolish these social markets, and replace them by deregulated markets that operated independently of social needs. The rupture in England’s economic life produced by the creation of the free market has been called the Great Transformation.
— John Gray, False Dawn: The Delusions of Global Capitalism, (The New Press, 1998), p.1
A detailed insight into this process of transformation is revealed by Michael Perelman, Professor of Economics at California State University. In his book The Invention of Capitalism (Duke University Press, 2000), he details how peasants did not willingly abandon their self-sufficient lifestyle to go work in factories.
Adam Smith’s work did, however, expose the previous fraud that was the mercantilist system, which enriched the imperial powers at the expense of others. This mercantilism had its roots in the Middle and Dark Ages of Europe, many hundreds of years earlier and also parallels various methods used by empires throughout history (including today) to control their peripheries and appropriate wealth accordingly. Furthermore, as J.W. Smith argues, even though it is claimed to be Adam Smith free trade, neoliberalism was and is mercantilism dressed up with more friendly rhetoric, while the reality remains the same as the mercantilist processes over the last several hundred years:
The powerful throughout the past centuries not only claimed an excessive share of the wealth of nature which was properly shared by all within the community, through the unequal trades of mercantilism they claimed an excessive share of the wealth on the periphery of their trading empires. Adam Smith describes mercantilism for us:
[Mercantilism’s] ultimate object… is always the same, to enrich the country [city or state] by an advantageous balance of trade. It discourages the exportation of the materials of manufacture [tools and raw material], and the instruments of trade, in order to give our own workmen an advantage, and to enable them to undersell those of other nations [cities] in all foreign markets: and by restraining, in this manner, the exportation of a few commodities of no great price, it proposes to occasion a much greater and more valuable exportation of others. It encourages the importation of the materials of manufacture, in order that our own people may be enabled to work them up more cheaply, and thereby prevent a greater and more valuable importation of the manufactured commodities.
William Appleman Williams describes mercantilism at its zenith: “The world was defined as known and finite, a principle agreed upon by science and theology. Hence the chief way for a nation to promote or achieve its own wealth and happiness was to take them away from some other country.”
When the injustice of mercantilism was understood, it became too embarrassing and was replaced by the supposedly just Adam Smith free trade. But free trade as practiced by Adam Smith neo-mercantilists was far from fair trade. Adam Smith unequal free trade is little more than a philosophy for the continued subtle monopolization of the wealth-producing-process, largely through continued privatization of the commons of both an internal economy and the economies of weak nations on the periphery of trading empires. So long as weak nations could be forced to accept the unequal trades of Adam Smith free trade, they would be handing their wealth to the imperial-centers-of-capital of their own free will. In short, Adam Smith free trade, as established by neo-mercantilists, was only mercantilism hiding under the cover of free trade.
— J.W. Smith, Cooperative Capitalism; A Blueprint for Global Peace and Prosperity, (Quality Books, Inc, 2003), pp.4-5
Colonialism and Imperialism Needed To Succeed
Free trade formed the basis of free enterprise for capitalists and up until the Great Depression of the 1930s was the primary economic theory followed in the United States and Britain. But from a global perspective, this free trade was accompanied by geopolitics making it look more like mercantilism. For both these nations (as well as others) to succeeded and remain competitive in the international arena, they had a strong foundation of imperialism, colonialism and subjugation of others in order to have access to the resources required to produce such vast wealth. As J.W. Smith notes above, this was hardly the free trade that Adam Smith suggested and it seemed like a continuation of mercantilist policies.
However, even during its prevalent times before the Second World War, neoliberalism had already started to show signs of increasing disparities between rich and poor.
Because of the Great Depression in the 1930s, an economist, John Maynard Keynes, suggested that regulation and government intervention was actually needed in order to provide more equity in development. This led to the “Keynesian” model of development and after World War II formed the foundation for the rebuilding of the U.S-European-centered international economic system. The Marshall Plan for Europe helped reconstruct it and the European nations saw the benefits of social provisions such as health, education and so on, as did the U.S. under President Roosevelt’s New Deal.
In fact, the Bretton Woods Institutions (the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank) were actually designed with Keynesian policies in mind; to help provide international regulation and control of capital. As Susan George notes, “when these institutions were created at Bretton Woods in 1944, their mandate was to help prevent future conflicts by lending for reconstruction and development and by smoothing out temporary balance of payments problems. They had no control over individual government’s economic decisions nor did their mandate include a license to intervene in national policy.” This is very different from what they are doing today.
In 1945 or 1950, if you had seriously proposed any of the ideas and policies in today’s standard neo-liberal toolkit, you would have been laughed off the stage at or sent off to the insane asylum. At least in the Western countries, at that time, everyone was a Keynesian, a social democrat or a social-Christian democrat or some shade of Marxist. The idea that the market should be allowed to make major social and political decisions; the idea that the State should voluntarily reduce its role in the economy, or that corporations should be given total freedom, that trade unions should be curbed and citizens given much less rather than more social protection — such ideas were utterly foreign to the spirit of the time. Even if someone actually agreed with these ideas, he or she would have hesitated to take such a position in public and would have had a hard time finding an audience.
— Susan George, A Short History of Neoliberalism: Twenty Years of Elite Economics and Emerging Opportunities for Structural Change, Conference on Economic Sovereignty in a Globalising World, Bangkok, 24-26 March 1999
However, as elites and corporations saw their profits diminish with this equalizing effect, economic liberalism was revived, hence the term “neoliberalism”. Except, that this new form was not just limited to national boundaries, but instead was to apply to international economics as well. Starting from the University of Chicago with the philosopher-economist Friedrich von Hayek and his students such as Milton Friedman, the ideology of neoliberalism was pushed very thoroughly around the world.
Even before this though, there were indications that the world economic order was headed this way: the majority of wars throughout history have had economics, trade and resources at their core. The want for access to cheap resources to continue creating vast wealth and power allowed the imperial empires to justify military action, imperialism and colonialism in the name of “national interests”, “national security”, “humanitarian” intervention and so on. In fact, as J.W. Smith notes:
The wealth of the ancient city-states of Venice and Genoa was based on their powerful navies, and treaties with other great powers to control trade. This evolved into nations designing their trade policies to intercept the wealth of others (mercantilism). Occasionally one powerful country would overwhelm another through interception of its wealth though a trade war, covert war, or hot war; but the weaker, less developed countries usually lose in these exchanges. It is the military power of the more developed countries that permits them to dictate the terms of trade and maintain unequal relationships.
— J.W. Smith, The World’s Wasted Wealth 2, (Institute for Economic Democracy, 1994), p. 120.
As European and American economies grew, they needed to continue expansion to maintain the high standards of living that some elites were attaining in those days. This required holding on to, and expanding colonial territories in order to gain further access to the raw materials and resources, as well exploiting cheap labor. Those who resisted were often met with brutal repression or military interventions. This is not a controversial perception. Even U.S. President Woodrow Wilson recognized this in the early part of the 20th century:
Since trade ignores national boundaries and the manufacturer insists on having the world as a market, the flag of his nation must follow him, and the doors of the nations which are closed against him must be battered down. Concessions obtained by financiers must be safeguarded by ministers of state, even if the sovereignty of unwilling nations be outraged in the process. Colonies must be obtained or planted, in order that no useful corner of the world may be overlooked or left unused.
— Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, 1919, Quoted by Noam Chomsky, On Power and Ideology, (South End Press, 1990), p.14.
Richard Robbins, Professor of Anthropology and author of Global Problems and the Culture of Capitalism is also worth quoting at length:
The Great Global Depression of 1873 that lasted essentially until 1895 was the first great manifestation of the capitalist business crisis. The depression was not the first economic crisis [as there had been many for thousands of years] but the financial collapse of 1873 revealed the degree of global economic integration, and how economic events in one part of the globe could reverberate in others.…
The Depression of 1873 revealed another big problem with capitalist expansion and perpetual growth: it can continue only as long as there is a ready supply of raw materials and an increasing demand for goods, along with ways to invest profits and capital. Given this situation, if you were an American or European investor in 1873, where would you look for economic expansion?
The obvious answer was to expand European and American power overseas, particularly into areas that remained relatively untouched by capitalist expansion — Africa, Asia, and the Pacific. Colonialism had become, in fact, a recognized solution to the need to expand markets, increase opportunities for investors, and ensure the supply of raw material. Cecil Rhodes, one of the great figures of England’s colonization of Africa, recognized the importance of overseas expansion for maintaining peace at home. In 1895 Rhodes said:
I was in the East End of London yesterday and attended a meeting of the unemployed. I listened to the wild speeches, which were just a cry for “bread”, “bread,” and on my way home I pondered over the scene and I became more than ever convinced of the importance of imperialism.… My cherished idea is a solution for the social problem, i.e., in order to save the 40,000,000 inhabitants of the United Kingdom from a bloody civil war, we colonial statesmen must acquire new lands for settling the surplus population, to provide new markets for the goods produced in the factories and mines. The Empire, as I have always said, is a bread and butter question. If you want to avoid civil war, you must become imperialist.
As a result of this cry for imperialist expansion, people all over the world were converted into producers of export crops as millions of subsistence farmers were forced to become wage laborers producing for the market and required to purchase from European and American merchants and industrialists, rather than supply for themselves, their basic needs.
— Richard H. Robbins, Global Problems and the Culture of Capitalism, (Allyn and Bacon), pp. 93-94
World War I was, in effect, a resource war as Imperial centers battled over themselves for control of the rest of the world. World War II was another such battle, perhaps the ultimate one. However, the former imperial nations realized that to fight like this is not the way, and became more cooperative instead.
Unfortunately, that cooperation was not for all the world’s interests primarily, but their own. The Soviet attempt of an independent path to development (flawed that it was, because of its centralized, paranoid and totalitarian perspectives), was a threat to these centers of capital because their own colonies might “get the wrong idea” and also try for an independent path to their development.
Because World War II left the empires weak, the colonized countries started to break free. In some places, where countries had the potential to bring more democratic processes into place and maybe even provide an example for their neighbors to follow it threatened multinational corporations and their imperial (or former imperial) states (for example, by reducing access to cheap resources). As a result, their influence, power and control was also threatened. Often then, military actions were sanctioned. To the home populations, the fear of communism was touted, even if it was not the case, in order to gain support.
… you have to sell [intervention or other military actions] in such a way as to create the misimpression that it is the Soviet Union the you are fighting…
— Professor Samuel Huntingdon, Harvard University, Quoted by Noam Chomsky in Latin America: From Colonization to Globalization, (Ocean Press, 1999), p.18)
The net effect was that everyone fell into line, as if it were, allowing a form of globalization that suited the big businesses and elite classes mainly of the former imperial powers. (Hence, there is no surprise that some of the main World War II rivals, USA, Germany and Japan as well as other European nations are so prosperous, while the former colonial countries are still so poor; the economic booms of those wealthy nations have been at the expense of most people around the world.) Thus, to ensure this unequal success, power, and advantage globalization was backed up with military might (and still is).
Hence, even with what seemed like the end of imperialism and colonialism at the end of World War II, and the promotion of Adam Smith free trade and free markets, mercantilist policies still continued. (Adam Smith exposed the previous system as mercantilist and unjust. He then proposed free market capitalism as the alternative. Yet, a reading of Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations would reveal that today is a far cry from the free market capitalism he suggested, and instead could still be considered monopoly capitalism, or the age-old mercantilism that he had exposed! More about this in the next section on this site.) And so, a belief system had to accompany the political objectives:
When the blatant injustices of mercantilist imperialism became too embarrassing, a belief system was imposed that mercantilism had been abandoned and true free trade was in place. In reality the same wealth confiscation went on, deeply buried within complex systems of monopolies and unequal trade hiding under the cover of free trade. Many explanations were given for wars between the imperial nations when there was really one common thread: “Who will control resources and trade and the wealth produced through inequalities in trade?” All this is proven by the inequalities of trade siphoning the world’s wealth to imperial centers of capital today just as they did when the secret of plunder by trade was learned centuries ago. The battles over the world’s wealth have only kept hiding behind different belief systems each time the secrets of laying claim to the wealth of others’ have been exposed.
— J.W. Smith, Economic Democracy; The Political Struggle for the 21st Century, (M.E. Sharpe, 2000) p.126
Going Global
The Reagan and Thatcher era in particular, saw neoliberalism pushed to most parts of the globe, almost demonizing anything that was publicly owned, encouraging the privatization of anything it could, using military interventions if needed. Structural Adjustment policies were used to open up economies of poorer countries so that big businesses from the rich countries could own or access many resources cheaply.
Lori Wallach, Director of Global Trade Watch, also describes in a video clip (4:30 minutes, transcript) how even the term free “trade” is misleading, for the free trade agenda pushed through the World Trade Organization includes many non-trade issues, such that trade is just one small part:
Lori Wallach, Free Trade—The Price Paid (Part One), April 13, 2005, © Big Picture TV
The belief in free markets (or the version being promoted) was very ideological:
So, from a small, unpopular sect with virtually no influence, neo-liberalism has become the major world religion with its dogmatic doctrine, its priesthood, its law-giving institutions and perhaps most important of all, its hell for heathen and sinners who dare to contest the revealed truth. Oskar Lafontaine, the ex-German Finance Minister who the Financial Times called an “unreconstructed Keynesian” has just been consigned to that hell because he dared to propose higher taxes on corporations and tax cuts for ordinary and less well-off families.
1979, the year Margaret Thatcher came to power and undertook the neo-liberal revolution in Britain. The Iron Lady was herself a disciple of Friedrich von Hayek, she was a social Darwinist and had no qualms about expressing her convictions. She was well known for justifying her program with the single word TINA, short for There Is No Alternative. The central value of Thatcher’s doctrine and of neo-liberalism itself is the notion of competition — competition between nations, regions, firms and of course between individuals. Competition is central because it separates the sheep from the goats, the men from the boys, the fit from the unfit. It is supposed to allocate all resources, whether physical, natural, human or financial with the greatest possible efficiency.
In sharp contrast, the great Chinese philosopher Lao Tzu ended his Tao-te Ching with these words: “Above all, do not compete”. The only actors in the neo-liberal world who seem to have taken his advice are the largest actors of all, the Transnational Corporations. The principle of competition scarcely applies to them; they prefer to practice what we could call Alliance Capitalism.
— Susan George, A Short History of Neoliberalism: Twenty Years of Elite Economics and Emerging Opportunities for Structural Change, Conference on Economic Sovereignty in a Globalising World, Bangkok, 24-26 March 1999
As former World Bank Chief Economist Josepth Stiglitz notes, it is a simplistic ideology which most developed nations have resisted themselves:
The Washington Consensus policies, however, were based on a simplistic model of the market economy, the competitive equilibrium model, in which Adam Smith’s invisible hand works, and works perfectly. Because in this model there is no need for government — that is, free, unfettered, “liberal” markets work perfectly — the Washington Consensus policies are sometimes referred to as “neo-liberal,” based on “market fundamentalism,” a resuscitation of the laissez-faire policies that were popular in some circles in the nineteenth century. In the aftermath of the Great Depression and the recognition of other failings of the market system, from massive inequality to unlivable cities marred by pollution and decay, these free market policies have been widely rejected in the more advanced industrial countries, though within these countries there remains an active debate about the appropriate balance between government and markets.
— Joseph Stiglitz, Globalization and Its Discontents, (Allen Lane/Penguin Books, 2002), p.74
Activist and academic Raj Patel explains that prices do not accurately reflect the value of commodities due to so many externalities (a $4 hamburger should cost $200 for example if some environmental aspects are factored in, for example), and also notes that various leading proponents of neoliberalism are now admitting it too, in the wake of the financial crash in 2008. Furthermore, markets aren’t separate from social and political contexts in which they function, yet, business leaders and governments were all too willing to go for the simpler soundbites:
The problem with the Efficient Markets Hypothesis is that it doesn’t work. If it were true, then there’d be no incentive to invest in research because the market would, by magic, have beaten you to it. Economists Sanford Grossman and Joseph Stiglitz demonstrated this in 1980, and hundreds of subsequent studies have pointed out quite how unrealistic the hypothesis is, some of the most influential of which were written by Eugene Fama himself [who first formulated the idea as a a Ph.D. student in the University of Chicago Business School in the 1960s]. Markets can behave irrationally—investors can herd behind a stock, pushing its value up in ways entirely unrelated to the stock being traded.
Despite ample economic evidence to suggest it was false, the idea of efficient markets ran riot through governments.
— Raj Patel, Flaw , The Value of Nothing, (Picador, 2010), pp.10-11, 12-13
Since the Cold War has ended, it is almost no surprise that today’s globalization has come in the form we see it — that is where it would have been had the Cold War not got “in the way”. The World Wars were about rival powers fighting amongst themselves to the spoils of the rest of the world; maintaining their empires and influence over the terms of world trade, commerce and, ultimately, power.
Throughout the Cold War, we contained a global threat to market democracies: now we should seek to enlarge their reach.
— Anthony Lake, National Security adviser, 1990, quoted from Noam Chomsky, World Orders Old and New, (Columbia University Press, 1996), p.71.
John Gray, mentioned above, notes that the same processes to force the peasantry off their lands and into waged labor, and to socially engineer a transformation to free markets is also taking place today in the third world:
The achievement of a similar transformation [as in mid-nineteenth century England] is the overriding objective today of transnational organizations such as the World Trade Organisation, the International Monetary Fund and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. In advancing this revolutionary project they are following the lead of the world’s last great Enlightenment regime, the United States. The thinkers of the Enlightenment, such as Thomas Jefferson, Tom Paine, John Stuart Mill and Karl Marx never doubted that the future for every nation in the world was to accept some version of western institutions and values. A diversity of cultures was not a permanent condition of human life. It was a stage on the way to a universal civilization, in which the varied traditions and culture of the past were superseded by a new, universal community founded on reason.
— John Gray, False Dawn: The Delusions of Global Capitalism, (The New Press, 1998), pp.1-2
Gray also notes how this western view of the world is not necessarily compatible with the views of other cultures and this imposition for a western view of civilization may not be accepted by everyone. Ironically then, using terms like “Enlightenment”, “freedom”, “liberty”, etc, which is common in such discourse, as Gray notes, results in conformity, almost totalitarian in nature.
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Going bust? The Global Financial Crisis Shakes Confidence
Around mid-2008 a financial crisis, starting in the US, spread around the world into a global financial crisis, and then into a more general economic crisis, which, as of writing this, the world has still not recovered from.
The crisis has been so severe, criticisms of market fundamentalism and neoliberalism are more widespread than before.
The Value of Nothing, Raj Patel, July 28, 2010
Raj Patel argues that the markets in their current shape have created a convoluted idea of value; “value meals” are cheap but unhealthy whereas fruit and veg are often more expensive; rainforests are hardly valued whereas felling trees adds to the economy.
Flawed assumptions about the underlying economic systems contributed to this problem and had been building up for a long time, the current financial crisis being one of its eventualities.
This problem could have been averted (in theory) as people had been pointing to these issues for decades. Yet, of course, during periods of boom no-one (let alone the financial institutions and their supporting ideologues and politicians largely believed to be responsible for the bulk of the problems) would want to hear of caution and even thoughts of the kind of regulation that many are now advocating. To suggest anything would be anti-capitalism or socialism or some other label that could effectively shut up even the most prominent of economists raising concerns.
Of course, the irony that those same institutions would now themselves agree that those “anti-capitalist” regulations are required is of course barely noted. Such options now being considered are not anti-capitalist. However, they could be described as more regulatory or managed rather than completely free or laissez faire capitalism, which critics of regulation have often preferred. But a regulatory capitalist economy is very different to a state-based command economy, the style of which the Soviet Union was known for. The points is that there are various forms of capitalism, not just the black-and-white capitalism and communism. And at the same time, the most extreme forms of capitalism can also lead to the bigger bubbles and the bigger busts.
In that context, the financial crisis, as severe as it was, led to key architects of the system admitting to flaws in key aspects of the ideology.
At the end of 2008, Alan Greenspan was summoned to the U.S. Congress to testify about the financial crisis. His tenure at the Federal Reserve had been long and lauded, and Congress wanted to know what had gone wrong. Henry Waxman questioned him:
— Raj Patel, Flaw , The Value of Nothing, (Picador, 2010), pp.4, 6-7
Quoting Stiglitz again, he captures the sentiments of a number of people:
We had become accustomed to the hypocrisy. The banks reject any suggestion they should face regulation, rebuff any move towards anti-trust measures — yet when trouble strikes, all of a sudden they demand state intervention: they must be bailed out; they are too big, too important to be allowed to fail.
…
America’s financial system failed in its two crucial responsibilities: managing risk and allocating capital. The industry as a whole has not been doing what it should be doing … and it must now face change in its regulatory structures. Regrettably, many of the worst elements of the US financial system … were exported to the rest of the world.
— Joseph Stiglitz, The fruit of hypocrisy; Dishonesty in the finance sector dragged us here, and Washington looks ill-equipped to guide us out, The Guardian, September 16, 2008
Some of these regulatory measures have been easy to get around for various reasons. Some reasons for weak regulation that entrepreneur Mark Shuttleworth describes include that regulators
However, this crisis wasted almost a generation of talent:
It was all done in the name of innovation, and any regulatory initiative was fought away with claims that it would suppress that innovation. They were innovating, all right, but not in ways that made the economy stronger. Some of America’s best and brightest were devoting their talents to getting around standards and regulations designed to ensure the efficiency of the economy and the safety of the banking system. Unfortunately, they were far too successful, and we are all — homeowners, workers, investors, taxpayers — paying the price.
— Joseph Stiglitz, The fruit of hypocrisy; Dishonesty in the finance sector dragged us here, and Washington looks ill-equipped to guide us out, The Guardian, September 16, 2008
Paul Krugman also notes the wasted talent, at the expense of other areas in much need:
How much has our nation’s future been damaged by the magnetic pull of quick personal wealth, which for years has drawn many of our best and brightest young people into investment banking, at the expense of science, public service and just about everything else?
— Paul Krugman, The Madoff Economy, New York Times, Opinion, December 19, 2008
The wasted capital, labor and resources all add up.
British economist John Maynard Keynes, is considered one of the most influential economists of the 20th century and one of the fathers of modern macroeconomics. He advocated an interventionist form of government policy believing markets left to their own measure (i.e. completely “freed”) could be destructive leading to cycles of recessions, depressions and booms. To mitigate against the worst effects of these cycles, he supported the idea that governments could use various fiscal and monetary measures. His ideas helped rebuild after World War II, until the 1970s when his ideas were abandoned for freer market systems.
Keynes’ biographer, professor Robert Skidelsky, argues that free markets have undermined democracy and led to this crisis in the first place:
What creates a crisis of the kind that now engulfs us is not economics but politics. The triumph of the global “free” market, which has dominated the world over the last three decades has been a political triumph.
It has reflected the dominance of those who believe that governments (for which read the views and interests of ordinary people) should be kept away from the levers of power, and that the tiny minority who control and benefit most from the economic process are the only people competent to direct it.
This band of greedy oligarchs have used their economic power to persuade themselves and most others that we will all be better off if they are in no way restrained—and if they cannot persuade, they have used that same economic power to override any opposition. The economic arguments in favor of free markets are no more than a fig leaf for this self-serving doctrine of self-aggrandizement.
— Bryan Gould, Who voted for the markets? The economic crisis makes it plain: we surrendered power to wealthy elites and fatally undermined democracy, The Guardian, November 26, 2008
Furthermore, he argues that the democratic process has been abused and manipulated to allow a concentration of power that is actually against the idea of free markets and real capitalism:
The uncomfortable truth is that democracy and free markets are incompatible. The whole point of democratic government is that it uses the legitimacy of the democratic mandate to diffuse power throughout society rather than allow it to accumulate—as any player of Monopoly understands—in just a few hands. It deliberately uses the political power of the majority to offset what would otherwise be the overwhelming economic power of the dominant market players.
If governments accept, as they have done, that the “free” market cannot be challenged, they abandon, in effect, their whole raison d'etre. Democracy is then merely a sham. … No amount of cosmetic tinkering at the margins will conceal the fact that power has passed to that handful of people who control the global economy.
— Bryan Gould, Who voted for the markets? The economic crisis makes it plain: we surrendered power to wealthy elites and fatally undermined democracy, The Guardian, November 26, 2008
Despite Keynesian economics getting a bad press from free market advocates for many years, many are now turning to his policies and ideas to help weather the economic crisis.
We are all Keynesians now. Even the right in the United States has joined the Keynesian camp with unbridled enthusiasm and on a scale that at one time would have been truly unimaginable.
… after having been left in the wilderness, almost shunned, for more than three decades … what is happening now is a triumph of reason and evidence over ideology and interests.
Economic theory has long explained why unfettered markets were not self-correcting, why regulation was needed, why there was an important role for government to play in the economy. But many, especially people working in the financial markets, pushed a type of “market fundamentalism.” The misguided policies that resulted — pushed by, among others, some members of President-elect Barack Obama’s economic team — had earlier inflicted enormous costs on developing countries. The moment of enlightenment came only when those policies also began inflicting costs on the US and other advanced industrial countries.
…
The neo-liberal push for deregulation served some interests well. Financial markets did well through capital market liberalization. Enabling America to sell its risky financial products and engage in speculation all over the world may have served its firms well, even if they imposed large costs on others.
Today, the risk is that the new Keynesian doctrines will be used and abused to serve some of the same interests.
— Joseph Stiglitz, Getting bang for your buck, The Guardian, December 5, 2008
Some of the world’s top financiers and officials are reluctantly accepting that the version of capitalism that has long favored them may not be good for everyone.
Stiglitz observed this remarkable resignation at the annual Davos forum, usually a meeting place of rich world leaders and the corporate elite, who usually together reassert ways to go full steam ahead with a form of corporate globalization that has benefited those at the top. This time, however, Stiglitz noted that
[There was a] striking … loss of faith in markets. In a widely attended brainstorming session at which participants were asked what single failure accounted for the crisis, there was a resounding answer: the belief that markets were self-correcting.
The so-called “efficient markets” model, which holds that prices fully and efficiently reflect all available information, also came in for a trashing. So did inflation targeting: the excessive focus on inflation had diverted attention from the more fundamental question of financial stability. Central bankers’ belief that controlling inflation was necessary and almost sufficient for growth and prosperity had never been based on sound economic theory.
… no one from either the Bush or Obama administrations attempted to defend American-style free-wheeling capitalism.… Most American financial leaders seemed too embarrassed to make an appearance. Perhaps their absence made it easier for those who did attend to vent their anger. Labor leaders working for the … business community were particularly angry at the financial community’s lack of remorse. A call for the repayment of past bonuses was received with applause.
— Joseph Stiglitz, Fear and loathing in Davos, The Guardian, February 6, 2009
Some at the top, however, have tried to play the role of victim:
Indeed, some American financiers were especially harshly criticized for seeming to take the position that they, too, were victims … and it seemed particularly galling that they were continuing to hold a gun to the heads of governments, demanding massive bailouts and threatening economic collapse otherwise. Money was flowing to those who had caused the problem, rather than to the victims.
Worse still, much of the money flowing into the banks to recapitalize them so that they could resume lending has been flowing out in the form of bonus payments and dividends.
— Joseph Stiglitz, Fear and loathing in Davos, The Guardian, February 6, 2009
And as much as this crisis affects wealthier nations, the poorest will suffer most in the long run:
… This crisis raises fundamental questions about globalization, which was supposed to help diffuse risk. Instead, it has enabled America’s failures to spread around the world, like a contagious disease. Still, the worry at Davos was that there would be a retreat from even our flawed globalization, and that poor countries would suffer the most.
But the playing field has always been uneven. If developing countries can’t compete with America's subsidies and guarantees, how could any developing country defend to its citizens the idea of opening itself even more to America’s highly subsidized banks? At least for the moment, financial market liberalization seems to be dead.
— Joseph Stiglitz, Fear and loathing in Davos, The Guardian, February 6, 2009
In effect, the globalization project, an ideal that sounded appealing for many around the world, was flawed by politics and greed; the inter-connectedness it created meant that as any flaws revealed themselves, the unraveling of such a system would have far greater reach and consequences, especially upon people who had nothing to do with its creation in the first place.
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More InformationThe above may seem long, but many volumes could be written to expand on the above themes. Until I can get to do something like that, the following are links to some useful resources to help understand neoliberalism and its historical and current context:
Trans Pacific Trade Pact is simply this reorganization of the US to this global corporate tribunal rule---International US labor unions are simply working to dismantle US social democratic labor unions and replace labor structures to these global TRADE GUILDS and the church as government is simply helping to move a first world strong middle-class into deep poverty and telling them to accept it.
Again, the people involved in administering all this are around 5% of the US population. They are the few making gains in the stock market and are the secret knock and handshake people who will, at the local and state level, be thrown under the bus after all this economic crash and global corporate control of International Economic Zones in the US occur---if left unchecked----that will be a decade or so. The only TRADE GUILD 'master craftsmen' will be global players----the US players will disappear. Think about Ronald Reagan or Michael Jordan----both Freemasons----Reagan was a grad of Catholic university Notre Dame and then an ACTOR's GUILD member later to be the source of Reaganomics and neo-liberalism. Jordan is an athletic star----also a member of the entertainment guild selling underserved families on how cool privatizing their public schools with his school brand.
It was all-American social democratic labor unions and the rights negotiated over a century that gave both the ability to negotiate huge salaries once they were established as stars.
TRADE GUILDs will have these 'stars' living very simple lives with no money only having the perk of partying and eating with the rich as entertainment.
THERE WILL BE NO WEALTHY TRADE GUILD WORKERS.
In Baltimore for example------the RAVENS won the SuperBowl and the superstars on the team were IMMEDIATELY traded away for cheaper players----these national leagues earn all their revenue from selling games to media and could care less about having a winning team.....IT IS SIMPLY ENTERTAINMENT. Stars like Ray Lewis only get to continue in football if they work with neo-liberals installing International Economic Zone policy.
Who Ruined the NFL Players Union?
When the National Football League Players Association gathers in Hawaii this weekend for its annual meeting, executive director DeMaurice Smith will be on the ballot for reelection—and unlike his unopposed, rubber-stamped renewal in 2012, he'll have seven challengers this time around, an unprecedented number for a union that has had only four executive directors in its 47-year history. The contenders for the March 15 election include former players Sean Gilbert and Robert Griffith; attorneys Jim Acho and Andrew Smith; current and former NFLPA executives Jason Belser and Art McAfee; and even a retired U.S. Navy admiral, John Stufflebeem. All are vying to influence professional football's future, and while each has a unique vision of what that should look like, they agree on this much: DeMaurice Smith has failed, and he must go.
Gilbert contends that the lockout-ending 2011 deal with the NFL overseen by Smith will cost players $10 billion over a decade. Stufflebeem believes that Smith's oft-frosty relationship with league commissioner Roger Goodell has been counterproductive. Acho thinks Smith hasn't done enough for player health care. Andrew Smith wonders if the NFLPA itself hasn't been financially mismanaged. A candidate who did not make the union's final executive director ballot, former player Sean Morey, released a detailed and scathing campaign platform that synthesized multiple complaints against Smith, calling for an outside investigation of his tenure; meanwhile, a prominent sports attorney who lost to Smith in a 2009 race for the executive director job, David Cornwell, wrote in a 2012 open letter to NFL agents that he was "stunned at what the NFLPA has become under De[Maurice]," arguing that "the results of his leadership are dangerously inadequate" and concluding that "past is indeed prologue and players should judge De's past in assessing his future."
Three years later, 32 union player representatives will be judging Smith's past in order to determine the best way forward. While doing so, they'll have to answer a single question, the same one being asked by Smith's opponents.
Is Cornwell right?
This ain't gonna be pretty, DeMaurice. Image via Mark J. Rebilas-USA TODAY Sports
"The worst deal in the history of sportsPrior to the 2011 lockout, the NFL made a final offer to the NFLPA that reportedly included guaranteed, incremental increases in player pay. The union said no. Smith subsequently called the proposal "the worst deal in the history of sports."In retrospect, he may have spoken too soon.
Two years ago, Ben Volin of the Boston Globe evaluated the 10-year pact that Smith spearheaded and ultimately signed, concluding that "no matter how you slice it, the owners obliterated" the NFLPA. A prominent, anonymous NFL agent was even less charitable, telling Volin that the union "absolutely failed" its membership by agreeing to "the worst CBA in professional sports history."
Hyperbolic? Perhaps. On the other hand, there's no denying basic arithmetic. Smith's deal is far less lucrative than the one negotiated by his predecessor, longtime union head Gene Upshaw, whose unexpected death in 2008 led to Smith's election. Gilbert calculates that compared to the old CBA, the new labor agreement will shift $10 billion from players to owners over its 10-year duration. Morey estimates that the total transfer could be closer to $15 billion—a staggering $1.25 billion loss per season, or more money than the gross domestic product of Tonga, the Solomon Islands and 20 other countries.
Whatever the exact amount, the underlying math is simple. Under Upshaw's pact, players received 59 percent of net league revenues; under Smith's deal, they receive 47 percent of the same. What are "net revenues?" Basically, it's all the money made each year by the NFL, minus a set-aside that goes directly into owners' pockets. The set-aside amount varies—in the old CBA, it was roughly $1 billion; in the new agreement, it could be even larger depending on league and team accounting trick—but for players, one number matters most: Smith guided them to a collective 12 percent annual pay cut.
The proof is in the salary cap.
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Bill and Hillary Clinton were great organizers of groups they intended to use in cities becoming International Economic Zones. As in Baltimore, it is the fraternity and sororities that are given the secret handshake and funny hats but look at what universities are being closed-----ALL OF THE PUBLIC UNIVERSITIES INCLUDING HISTORICALLY BLACK COLLEGES sources of much of Clinton neo-liberal policy-pushers for two decades. The only frat/sorority system that will last for a while longer will be in the IVY LEAGUES-----but they too will go. In Baltimore, most of media, pols, directors of corporate non-profits, and mega-church black ministers are tied to this frat/sorority structure that kept Baltimore politics captured for neo-conservative Johns Hopkins and Wall Steet Baltimore Development. These are the KNOCK KNOCK lower Freemasons on their way out. The DARK AGES only had the rich attending university or through the Catholic Church. So too is this Clinton/Bush global policies with corporate education reform.
'Not to mention the fact that college campus Greek system members are known as secret societies in an age where privacy has become incredibly open since people decided to divulge the minute, private, and personal details of their lives online'.
So, American labor unions being replaced by global TRADE GUILDS and public university frats/soror being killed and booted from Freemasonry as the Pope Benedict/Francis takes the Catholic Church towards a fascist right----
THIS IS DARK AGES NEO-LIBERALISM AND NEO-CONSERVATISM.
THIS IS WHY I KEEP URGING LABOR UNION MEMBERS AND FRAT/SORORITY MEMBERS TO JUMP SHIP NOW----WORK TO BRING SOCIAL DEMOCRACY BACK TO FULL STRENGTH. These frats/sororities were Clinton's behind the scenes movers and shakers of captured Democratic politics holding control to neo-liberalism.
'Not to mention the fact that college campus Greek system members are known as secret societies in an age where privacy has become incredibly open since people decided to divulge the minute, private, and personal details of their lives online'.
Are Fraternities and Sororities Dying?
As another college year gets going, many students are pondering joining fraternities and sororities. It’s not an easy decision for many and fnding reasons to join may become fewer and far between in the years to come.
When I was in college, I was in a fraternity. In some ways it was a great experience and as the cliché goes, I wouldn’t trade it for anything. I still meet up with the alumni every year and it’s great to see that most of them have good jobs, great families, and appear to be generally happy.
Is the Greek System on Life Support?
Are American fraternities and sororities becoming a dying breed? That’s a big question these days as there is so much competition for college student time, especially from the Internet. With its many opportunities to waste enourmous amounts of time like playing on Facebook, is there even time left to rush a Greek organization?
Not to mention the fact that college campus Greek system members are known as secret societies in an age where privacy has become incredibly open since people decided to divulge the minute, private, and personal details of their lives online.
With incidents of hazing, binge drinking and brawling casting a dark shadow on a once positive image, coupled with a strong shift in social attitude and demographics, fraternities and sororities have seen a sharp member decline in recent years. Despite the negative reputation, there are still many positive reasons to join a fraternity or sorority but, as with anything else, for every pro there is a con.
The Benefits of PledgingPro: A sense of family.
When students go to college, it’s often their first time away from home. Staying in a fraternity or sorority can remedy feelings of loneliness.
Pro: Built-in cheering squad.
Many organizations have GPA requirements for members and, with a mutual goal of graduating, there is nothing like having a team of supporters when working toward that goal.
Pro: Lifelong friends.
Joining a brotherhood or sisterhood means making friends for life. As those friends head out into the world after graduation, networking can be the key to a successful job in tight economy.
Pro: Diversity.
Finding a new circle of friends isn’t always easy at college. When you find the right group to join, it gives you a built-in gang of friends to hang out with, learn from, admire, detest, and more!
Pro: Community service.
There is almost always some component of community service associated with membership. You’ll be doing philanthropy, often by raising money for charity which is a great activity to be a part of. Sure you could volunteer somewhere even without being a member, but what fun would that be?!
Pro: Having a social life.
Yes, you have parties, be invited to them, and meet members of the opposite sex who are interested… It’s awesome.
Pro: A sense of pride.
Pledges that jump through hoops and get accepted into an organization often do so with a sense of pride. While some pledges are continuing a family tradition, others simply want belonging.
The Cons of PledgingCon: Pressure to fit-in
Between classes, school work and internships, students have a full plate. Topping that plate off with a hectic social schedule and the constant expectation to constantly behave within the spirit of the organization can overwhelm pledges.
Con: Binge drinking, hazing and social stigma.
With all the negative press in recent years combined with hazing tactics and pressure to party, joining a fraternity just isn’t considered as cool as it once was.
Con: Obligation interrupts schooling.
Both fraternities and sororities are always fundraising, doing community service and holding events. Members are forced to contribute time and effort that might be better spent on school work.
Con: Hierarchy.
There is almost always a pecking order that demands respect to seniority. Forced to adhere to a senior’s bidding during rush there’s nothing fun about some upperclassman throwing his weight around. However, if you join the fraternity that’s right for you, it doesn’t have to be that way.
The New RealityTechnology has made socializing easier in some ways as students can use it to meet new people, date, make new friends, organize their social calendar and so on.
Still, the TV show “Greek” is a phenomenal success as it’s entertaining and relevant. Everyone in the Greek system can appreciate that show on some level. What’s interesting is its timing. As the fewer students join, there is still interest in the show. Perhaps shows like Greek will inspire a new generation of students to join, despite competing media.
What About You?Is it the end of the road for the Greek system at your school? The above list is certainly not meant to be exhaustive, just a detaling of some of the most important points. It would be great to hear from people with intelligent points to make (not just “I love frats” or “I hate sororities”).
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As this article says-----university frats have been drunken partiers for ever so why all the media attention these last few decades? It is because frats are going to disappear with public universities and only the IVY LEAGUE universities will have these secret society structures like Skull and Bones. National media is simply being used to build this as a positive thing. The good news----all of those funny hat secret handshakers Clinton used can break loose and push to rebuild the social Democratic Party.
'And that is what is ultimately going to cause the death of fraternities: sensitivity and perception. Because as we all know, for better or for worse, perception is reality. And the perception of fraternities is that all they do is cause trouble. Hell, there is even an interactive timeline on Bloomberg.com that shows “Every Time a Fraternity or Sorority Got in Trouble This Year”.'
CollegeSep 9, 2015 10:20 am|Updated: Sep 9, 2015 9:30 pm0
Why Fraternities Are Dying: Written By a Member of a Dying Fraternity
Eric Italiano
107 6 5
Let’s wind the clocks back to 1993, the year I was born. The internet was in its infancy, and cell phones were the size of a brick. Tablets and virtual reality were only found in science fiction. The foremost claim to fame fraternities had was John Belushi wrapped in a bed sheet. Forrest Gump had yet to explain to the world what life is like.
Now, 22 years later, a lot has changed. Twitter is arguably the foremost news source in the world. Transgender Olympians receive more media attention than a controversial deal with a nuclear capable nation. A black man is the president of the United States, and a woman is the favorite to be the next. Gay marriage is not only feverishly advocated for, but constitutionally legal. Marijuana is becoming a lesser evil than alcohol, again. We now know that life is like a box of chocolates.
22 years later, we live in an exponentially hyperactive, hypersensitive world. Remember #KONY2012? Remember Trayvon Martin? Or better yet, I want you to name 5 of the towns that have had mass shootings since 2000. I bet you can’t do it. Don’t worry, neither can I. If you gave us a couple of minutes, I’m sure we all could remember at least 5, but the point I’m making is this: what was once a trending hashtag now has become somewhat of an afterthought. But that doesn’t make you, or me, a monster. It makes us human. A human in a world where anything that will get a click will be written and shared, no matter how horrible the subject. A world where people will tweet and post to Instagram and Facebook advocating for a cause that they virtually forget all about half a year later. We live in a hyperactive, hypersensitive world. And anything that becomes a target in this world, that rocks enough people’s boats, will be swiftly annihilated. And that brings us to the reason you are reading this post: because of your opinion on the state of fraternities. Well, here is mine.
Fraternities raise A LOT of questions. Why join? Are they really paying for their friends? Do the positives outweigh the negatives? Is rape culture real? Is the statistic that fraternity members have a higher average GPA legit? What is an elephant walk? Who is The Sir (or The Man, or the Pledge Master/Educator, or whatever the f*ck you call it)? And unfortunately, a lot of these seemingly black-and-white questions produce frustratingly gray answers. Is rape culture real? Yes, unequivocally, rape culture in fraternities is real. But is it the widespread epidemic that the media portrays? Of course not. If you are in a fraternity, does that make you a sex-crazed molesting demon spawn? Also, of course not. But are there the handful of degenerates that perpetuate the rape culture and deserve to be banished? Of course.
You see, the problem with fraternities is not their actions: whether you want to realize it or not, fraternities have always been this way. In fact, they probably used to be worse. The only thing that has changed is the attention fraternities receive. For example, take these jerkoff’s from Old Dominion University, who found themselves in hot water these last few weeks over the offensive banners they strung from their house. Mind you, these gents aren’t creative geniuses, they aren’t this “funny”: they got the idea from somewhere. And that somewhere is a long history of fraternities pulling misguided pranks.
Needless to say, the internet exploded. Monsters! Deviants! Rapists! Typical frat boys! That’s what the masses were saying. However, odds are, 98% percent of this particular fraternity are genuinely good dudes. But that doesn’t excuse them from being f*cking morons. And trust me when I say this, as a member of a once controversial fraternity, these guys are f*cking morons. In the world of moment-to-moment action and reaction, from SnapChat stories to live tweeting, anything — and I mean anything — has the potential to become viral. These boys wanted to go viral. These boys were asking for that attention; however, what they failed to realize is that, today, any attention a fraternity receives, is probably negative. They were asking for attention in a world where anonymity is safety. Not all publicity is good publicity, especially in greek life. In the minds’ of the fraternity brothers, it was a mildly harmless, decently hilarious prank, poking fun at incoming freshman and their families. But to the rest of the world, to the people, it was perceived as an immature, insensitive promotion of rape culture. And that is what is ultimately going to cause the death of fraternities: sensitivity and perception. Because as we all know, for better or for worse, perception is reality. And the perception of fraternities is that all they do is cause trouble. Hell, there is even an interactive timeline on Bloomberg.com that shows “Every Time a Fraternity or Sorority Got in Trouble This Year”.
And the perception of fraternities is that they are a diseased, dying breed that need to either be hung by their thumbs in the middle of Main Street, or put down quietly behind the family shed. The perception is that there is no room in the world for fraternal antics, and unfortunately, that perception is correct. We live in a hypersensitive world, a world where everyone is a social media activist; a world where everyone “cares.” In 2015, there is no room for a breeding ground of alcohol, drug use, and sex, which in the eyes of the public, is all fraternities are. Back in the 1970’s heyday of sex, drugs, and alcohol, “fraternal behavior” was commonplace. In fact, it was more or less encouraged. But today, “fraternal behavior” is seen as unnecessary nuisance that only complicates an increasingly chaotic, nuisance-filled world. Forget about the brotherhood bond, forget about philanthropy, forget about all of that. As we all know of mass media, sex and violence sell, and unfortunately for fraternities, that not only remains true, but is exaggerated.
When I first started working at COED, my editor said to me, “Eric, don’t sh*t on fraternities just to sh*t on them.” I quietly nodded my head in agreement, not because I’m a nervous new intern, but because I didn’t feel it was my place to tell him he was wrong. (Sorry, Ned.) I don’t sh*t on fraternities just to sh*t on them; they sh*t on themselves, I just report on it. Just like everyone else reports on it. And every report I write, every negative greek-related headline I create, is another nail in the fraternal coffin. Because in the hypersensitive, second-to-second ‘perception is reality’ world of 2015, there is no room for sex-crazed, alcohol-fueled, polo-wearing millennials. We have too much other important sh*t to deal with.
Ask me, and I’ll tell you fraternities should always have a place in our society. Ask me, and I’ll tell you that I love my brotherhood, and my brothers, and that joining a fraternity my first semester of college was one of the best decisions I have ever made. But it doesn’t matter what you or I think about fraternities. The only thing that matters is what the media, and therefore the masses, think. The death of fraternities will not be caused by the actions of its members, but by the sensitivity of its outsiders. Fraternities are bold, they are controversial, they are misunderstood, and misrepresented, and unfortunately, they are not long for this increasingly hypersensitive world.
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This is of course to where Historically Black College frats and sororities are being pushed as state universities are closed. They are corporations being told to be the leaders in the African free-trade zone Clinton International Economic Zone attack on Africa. The national Frats will become the secret handshake people working globally----as state and local frats and sororities disappear.
IT IS THE SAME THING DONE TO US LABOR UNIONS---THEY WERE MADE BANKS NOW MOVING TO GLOBAL TRADE GUILDS
'Omega is in this unique position because it has a commercial brand that is successfully marketed and it has means of producing revenue. It also has its own banking system with the strong potential for expansion. If Omega’s system can efficiently be used to build educational, political, social and cultural programs to uplift African people, it will in turn uplift humanity'.
As you see, the secret society group in both labor and university are going global leaving the benefits that came in the US behind. THIS IS WHAT BECOMING AN EX-PAT LOOKS LIKE!
Revolution for Black Fraternity Relevance to the Global African Struggle: Proposed by All Revolutionary
Qs Paperback – October 7, 2015
by Louis Jefferson (Author)
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See all formats and editions The global assault on African people requires a comprehensive strategy to counter the onslaught. This book explores how Black fraternities in the United States can become relevant to the struggle of African people through collective work and responsibility and cooperative economics. Black Fraternities are comprised of very well educated black men which provides a professional/intellectual pool as well as financial resources that could provide an infrastructure to build a significant social movement. Most of them have been established with that goal in mind. However, throughout time they have lost sight of those goals and have rendered themselves on the margins of relevance to the Global African struggle. There is focus on Omega Psi Phi Fraternity in this book only because the author is a member of that fraternity and has a more intimate understanding of the intricacies of that fraternity. However, the ideas presented in this book may serve as a paradigm for black fraternities and sororities. With Omega as a paradigm for black fraternities, this book calls the reader to consider that Omega is in a unique position to economically and intellectually support a national/international movement to uplift African people as well as all downtrodden humanity. Omega is in this unique position because it has an economic infrastructure that generates capital without external support. Omega also has the intellectual and professional capacity capable of implementing economic, social, educational and cultural programs that can systematically uplift the downtrodden in a substantive way. Omega is in this unique position because it has a commercial brand that is successfully marketed and it has means of producing revenue. It also has its own banking system with the strong potential for expansion. If Omega’s system can efficiently be used to build educational, political, social and cultural programs to uplift African people, it will in turn uplift humanity. The purpose of this book is to provide ideas as to how black fraternities can become more relevant in the context of today’s challenges and to spell out practical strategies for them to consider. It is also a hope that this book elevates the expectations of fraternities by the people of which they are designed to serve.
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I see each American trade union looking just as below----it is an International Association. These international unions are closely tied to developers and Wall Street and will indeed support the creation of International Economic Zones in the US just because it brings building jobs. At the same time----these International union leaders are embracing laws in the US that will make our US labor unions into TRADE GUILDS where the international hierarchy works for global corporations and American workers are just human capital. As with global fraternities------these global TRADE GUILDS have their own banks making them corporations themselves.
THIS MAKES WHAT WAS A SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC LABOR UNION GROUP INTO THIS FAR-RIGHT NEO-LIBERAL TRADE GUILD STRUCTURE.
SMWIA, the Sheet Metal Workers' International Association,
represents 150,000 skilled craftpersons throughout the United States, Canada, and Puerto Rico. Sheet Metal Workers perform architectural sheet metal work, fabrication, installation, and service of heating, ventilating and air conditioning systems, shipbuilding, rail work and more.
The article below hints at Marxism for unions while we all see the international Trade unions tied closely to Clinton neo-liberals----RIGHT WING GLOBAL CORPORATIZISM. What we see here as well it this push by International Trade GUILDS to kill public sector unions. We see that in the US as well as International unions backing Clinton neo-liberals dismantling our public sector with public private partnerships that are simply corporate controlled government. Below you see again-----the ITUC pushing for the break up of social democratic Greece to privatize and move to corporate unions. Social Democracy is what led to people as citizens having rights earning good wages-----and International Trade Union leaders have their sights on being International TRADE GUILDS killing social democracy and installing a DARK AGES structure with the few GUILD leaders on top.
THIS IS WHAT NEO-CONS AND NEO-LIBERALS ARE TRYING TO CREATE----THIS MARXIST STALINIST LIBERTARIANISM THAT IS EXACTLY HOW YOU WOULD DESCRIBE THE DARK AGES.
Killing public sector unions kills social democracy and sends labor back to RICH PATRON/TRADE GUILD/CHURCH Dark Ages society.
17/12/2011
Trade unions and social democracy: The rift widens
This article appears in the current issue of Solidarity.
In an interview this week for an Australian newspaper, the leader of the world’s trade union movement made an interesting observation.
“Have progressive parties lost the narrative that connects them with working people in many countries?” asked Sharan Burrow, general secretary of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC).
One would have expected a diplomatic answer — something along the lines of, well, it varies from country to country, clearly some labour and social democratic parties remain closer to their roots, and so on.
But that is not what she said. Burrow, who chose not to pursue a political career in Australia and instead moved to Brussels to take over the ITUC, was blunt:
“The answer is yes, absolutely,” she said. Labour and social democratic parties have lost their connection with the working class.
So next you’d expect her to say that it was really important for those parties to rebuild those connections, that unions and the parties they founded needed to re-connect, and so on.
But once again, her answer was surprising.
“My job is not to worry about the parties,” she said, “but to build the issues on which we can base a conversation with workers.”
“We” in this case means the trade union movement.
She did have one final comment for the politicians, though.
“If any smart politician who shares even an ounce of our values can’t get elected on the basis of that conversation, that is, frankly, pretty despairing stuff.”
I found her comments very interesting coming in the wake of November 30th public sector strike here in the UK — a strike which went ahead without the support of the Labour Party or its leader, Ed Miliband, who was elected with the support of unions.
Trade unionists in a number of countries are finding that the political parties acting in their names are doing very little on their behalf. In some cases, this is causing unions to turn inward. When Sharan Burrow says “my job is not to worry about the parties” it’s a clear expression of that feeling.
And the feeling is global. In the USA, many trade unionists have expressed a deep frustration with the Obama administration. Unions had a long shopping list for the first Democrat to win a national election since 1996 — and the top of their list was passage of labour law reform. They didn’t get it. Banks got bailed out, but unions got very little.
Marxists like to point out that the Democratic Party in the USA is a bourgeois party, so that’s pretty much what we can expect.
But this is a naive explanation. Unions in the USA play roughly the same role with regard to the Democrats as British unions do with regard to the Labour Party here. Sometimes, Democratic politicians even sound more left-wing than their British labour counterparts.
There are even worse cases like these — such as the Greek social democrats managing an austerity drive that triggered massive street protests. One imagines that Greek trade unionists have little time for “progressive” politicians these days.
There are, of course, notable exceptions. In Canada, the union-backed New Democratic Party which did extremely well in the most recent federal elections, threw its parliamentary support behind postal workers and others in recent national disputes.
One doesn’t have to be a supporter of the Fourth International to get that there is a growing rift between the working class and the social democratic and labour parties that speak in its name.
To hear a moderate, mainstream trade union leader like Sharan Burrow make comments like that shows just how far things have gone.
At the end of the interview, Burrow says “we believe in non-violent protest, absolutely.” But then she adds, “if there’s no capacity to resolve the problem, then we are on the streets.”
The question is not how mainstream left parties can re-connect to their base. Burrow is right about that. It’s a bigger problem.
And yet her comments leave many unanswered questions.
Can unions go it alone? Do they not need to be engaged in politics?
Can parliaments and local governments be left in the hands of those who have no sympathy for and no connection to the working class?
Is being “on the streets” a strategy?
The willingness of trade union leaders like Burrow to speak the plain truth opens the possibility of having a serious conversation about these issues in the labour movement. And that’s a conversation in which Marxists have something to say.
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I love this way of presenting political philosophy------it gives a clear picture of authoritarian and autocratic right-wing political structures like neo-liberalism ---and look----there is George Bush and Pope Benedict in this category with NEW LABOR----that is neo-liberalism. 'They show Left and Right as an economic scale, with Authoritarian and Libertarian making up the political scale, crossing the economic scale resulting in quadrants':
Ronald Reagan neo-liberalism was meant to sell the Republican voters on restructuring taxes and used free market as a code for getting rid of all the progressive policies from last century-----deregulation. He captured Republican voters and conservative Democrats with this propaganda. Clinton ran with it in the Democratic Party. Neo-liberalism was never about building free markets or lowering taxes on main street---it was about dismantling all our US Constitutional structures and moving all American wealth to the top to create the global corporate wealth and power structure of the DARK AGES. So, Reagan dismantled high tax brackets on corporations and the rich while raising taxes on main street---tripling payroll taxes for example. This was the start towards moving America to the DARK AGES structure of rich and corporations taxing the working poor into destitution. Remember, they confiscated peasant crops for taxes. Today----this structure is validated by Obama having an IRS that ignores collecting corporate/wealth taxes that are evaded while states and cities are loading taxes, fees, and fines on main street. Free market was always a myth. If you totally deregulate and allow corporations to do anything for profit----you get winners and losers----fraud and corruption---and richer corporations buying political subsidy -----NONE OF WHICH IS FREE MARKET. It's far-right autocratic Republican -----not conservative Republican. It was used simply to allow this massive consolidation of industries in the US through what are criminal actions like BAINS CAPITAL gutting of healthy corporations to send them into bankruptcy. Those are the smaller corporations that would have been free market competitors. As the Defense Industry and Development building industry went global---so too did the TRADE UNIONS and that is when this patronage vs TRADE GUILD structure started. Maryland's unions are very much tied to this as are most Republican states. Allowing corporations to go global created the vacuum of small and regional businesses that used to have unions. Watch as powerful unions like global Aerospace and Automobile fall into this co-op as TRADE GUILD structure.
NONE OF THIS IS FREE MARKET FOLKS---NONE OF THIS IS ABOUT LOWER TAXES ON MAIN STREET-----OR CREATING JOBS.
People knowing national public policy knew all this in the 1980s----we knew those city MASTER PLANS were for the return of global corporations and International Economic Zones back in the 1980-1990s----we were simply not allowed voice in universities and non-profits that once were social democratic labor and justice. The point today-----most Americans understand this now AND IT IS NOT TOO LATE TO REVERSE THIS. If we know this DARK AGES structure and its players---we know how to engage in politics and educate to get rid of players posing as Republican and Democratic politicians.
'Rooted in Mercantilism
Adam Smith’s work did, however, expose the previous fraud that was the mercantilist system, which enriched the imperial powers at the expense of others. This mercantilism had its roots in the Middle and Dark Ages of Europe, many hundreds of years earlier and also parallels various methods used by empires throughout history (including today) to control their peripheries and appropriate wealth accordingly. Furthermore, as J.W. Smith argues, even though it is claimed to be Adam Smith free trade, neoliberalism was and is mercantilism dressed up with more friendly rhetoric, while the reality remains the same as the mercantilist processes over the last several hundred years':
A Primer on Neoliberalism
- by Anup Shah
- This Page Last Updated Sunday, August 22, 2010
- This page: http://www.globalissues.org/article/39/a-primer-on-neoliberalism.
- To print all information e.g. expanded side notes, shows alternative links, use the print version:
This section attempts to provide an overview. First, a distinction is made between political and economic liberalism. Then, neoliberalism as an ideology for how to best structure economies is explained. Lastly, for important context, there is a quick historical overview as to how this ideology developed.
Political versus Economic Liberalism
There is an important difference between liberal politics and liberal economics. But this distinction is usually not articulated in the mainstream.
As summarized here by Elizabeth Martinez and Arnoldo Garcia:
“Liberalism” can refer to political, economic, or even religious ideas. In the U.S. political liberalism has been a strategy to prevent social conflict. It is presented to poor and working people as progressive compared to conservative or Right wing. Economic liberalism is different. Conservative politicians who say they hate “liberals” — meaning the political type — have no real problem with economic liberalism, including neoliberalism.
— Elizabeth Martinez and Arnoldo Garcia, What is “Neo-Liberalism”?, National Network for Immigrant and Refugee Rights, January 1, 1997 (posted at CorpWatch.org)
The web site, Political Compass, also highlights these differences very well.
They show Left and Right as an economic scale, with Authoritarian and Libertarian making up the political scale, crossing the economic scale resulting in quadrants:
© Political Compass
In addition, they note that, “despite popular perceptions, the opposite of fascism is not communism but anarchism (ie liberal socialism), and that the opposite of communism (i.e. an entirely state-planned economy) is neo-liberalism (i.e. extreme deregulated economy).” This is made clear by another chart they have:
A few other charts of theirs are of interest:
1) The positions of some well-known political figures in the world
(In the above, it is interesting to note how most of the world’s influential leaders, from the wealthiest and most poweful countries all fall into the area of authoritarian-right.)
2) A look at English political parties and how they fair (even the “left” ones.)
3) It is also interesting to see how the three main British political parties have changed over time, as Political Compass shows:
4) The last US elections (2004) show the political spectrum between John Kerry and George W. Bush was note that wide:
They also make a distinction about neo-conservatives and neoliberals:
U.S. neo-conservatives, with their commitment to high military spending and the global assertion of national values, tend to be more authoritarian than hard right. By contrast, neo-liberals, opposed to such moral leadership and, more especially, the ensuing demands on the tax payer, belong to a further right but less authoritarian region. Paradoxically, the "free market", in neo-con parlance, also allows for the large-scale subsidy of the military-industrial complex, a considerable degree of corporate welfare, and protectionism when deemed in the national interest. These are viewed by neo-libs as impediments to the unfettered market forces that they champion.
— About the Political Compass, January 6, 2004
What the above highlights then, is that in some countries, discourse on these topics may appear to fit into left-right balance, but when looked at a more global scale, the range of discourse may be narrow. Economic issues such as globalization, especially as it affects third world countries as well as those in the first world, require a broader range of discussion.
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Neoliberalism is...Neoliberalism, in theory, is essentially about making trade between nations easier. It is about freer movement of goods, resources and enterprises in a bid to always find cheaper resources, to maximize profits and efficiency.
To help accomplish this, neoliberalism requires the removal of various controls deemed as barriers to free trade, such as:
- Tariffs
- Regulations
- Certain standards, laws, legislation and regulatory measures
- Restrictions on capital flows and investment
As summarized from What is “Neo-Liberalism”? A brief definition for activists by Elizabeth Martinez and Arnoldo Garcia from Corporate Watch, the main points of neoliberalism includes:
- The rule of the market — freedom for capital, goods and services, where the market is self-regulating allowing the “trickle down” notion of wealth distribution. It also includes the deunionizing of labor forces and removals of any impediments to capital mobility, such as regulations. The freedom is from the state, or government.
- Reducing public expenditure for social services, such as health and education, by the government
- Deregulation, to allow market forces to act as a self-regulating mechanism
- Privatization of public enterprise (things from water to even the internet)
- Changing perceptions of public and community good to individualism and individual responsibility.
- Sustained economic growth is the way to human progress
- Free markets without government “interference” would be the most efficient and socially optimal allocation of resources
- Economic globalization would be beneficial to everyone
- Privatization removes inefficiencies of public sector
- Governments should mainly function to provide the infrastructure to advance the rule of law with respect to property rights and contracts.
- Freedom of trade in goods and services
- Freer circulation of capital
- Freer ability to invest
From a power perspective, “free” trade in reality is seen by many around the world as a continuation of those old policies of plunder, whether it is intended to be or not. However, we do not usually hear such discussions in the mainstream media, even though thousands have protested around the world for decades.
Today then, neoliberal policies are seeing positives and negatives. Under free enterprise, there have been many innovative products. Growth and development for some have been immense. Unfortunately, for most people in the world there has been an increase in poverty and the innovation and growth has not been designed to meet immediate needs for many of the world’s people. Global inequalities on various indicators are sharp. For example,
- Some 3 billion people — or half of humanity — live on under 2 dollars a day
- 86 percent of the world’s resources are consumed by the world’s wealthiest 20 percent
- (See this site’s page on poverty facts for many more examples.)
And as J.W. Smith has argued:
One cannot separate economics, political science, and history. Politics is the control of the economy. History, when accurately and fully recorded, is that story. In most textbooks and classrooms, not only are these three fields of study separated, but they are further compartmentalized into separate subfields, obscuring the close interconnections between them.
— J.W. Smith, The World’s Wasted Wealth 2, (Institute for Economic Democracy, 1994), p. 22.
Issues such as the criticisms of “free” trade, of protests around the world, and many others angles are discussed on this section’s subsequent pages.
The history of neoliberalism and how it has come about is worth looking at first, however, to get some crucial context, and to understand why so many people around the world criticize it.
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Brief overview of Neoliberalism’s History: How did it develop?Free Markets Were Not Natural. They Were Enforced
The modern system of free trade, free enterprise and market-based economies, actually emerged around 200 years ago, as one of the main engines of development for the Industrial Revolution.
In 1776, British economist Adam Smith published his book, The Wealth of Nations. Adam Smith, who some regard as the father of modern free market capitalism and this very influential book, suggested that for maximum efficiency, all forms of government interventions in economic issues should be removed and that there should be no restrictions or tariffs on manufacturing and commerce within a nation for it to develop.
For this to work, social traditions had to be transformed. Free markets were not inevitable, naturally occurring processes. They had to be forced upon people. John Gray, professor of European thought at the London School of Economics, a prominent conservative political thinker and an influence on Margaret Thatcher and the New Right in Britain in the 1980s, notes:
Mid-nineteenth century England was the subject of a far-reaching experiment in social engineering. Its objective was to free economic life from social and political control and it did so by constructing a new institution, the free market, and by breaking up the more socially rooted markets that had existed in England for centuries. The free market created a new type of economy in which prices of all goods, including labour, changed without regard to their effects on society. In the past economic life had been constrained by the need to maintain social cohesion. It was conducted in social markets — markets that were embedded in society and subject to many kinds of regulation and restraint. The goal of the experiment that was attempted in mid-Victorian England was to demolish these social markets, and replace them by deregulated markets that operated independently of social needs. The rupture in England’s economic life produced by the creation of the free market has been called the Great Transformation.
— John Gray, False Dawn: The Delusions of Global Capitalism, (The New Press, 1998), p.1
A detailed insight into this process of transformation is revealed by Michael Perelman, Professor of Economics at California State University. In his book The Invention of Capitalism (Duke University Press, 2000), he details how peasants did not willingly abandon their self-sufficient lifestyle to go work in factories.
- Instead they had to be forced with the active support of thinkers and economists of the time, including the famous originators of classical political economy, such as Adam Smith, David Ricardo, James Steuart and others.
- Contradicting themselves, as if it were, they argued for government policies that deprived the peasants their way of life of self-provision, to coerce them into waged labor.
- Separating the rural peasantry from their land was successful because of “ideological vigor” from people like Adam Smith, and because of a “revision of history” that created an impression of a humanitarian heritage of political economy; an inevitability to be celebrated.
- This revision, he also noted has evidently “succeeded mightily.”
Adam Smith’s work did, however, expose the previous fraud that was the mercantilist system, which enriched the imperial powers at the expense of others. This mercantilism had its roots in the Middle and Dark Ages of Europe, many hundreds of years earlier and also parallels various methods used by empires throughout history (including today) to control their peripheries and appropriate wealth accordingly. Furthermore, as J.W. Smith argues, even though it is claimed to be Adam Smith free trade, neoliberalism was and is mercantilism dressed up with more friendly rhetoric, while the reality remains the same as the mercantilist processes over the last several hundred years:
The powerful throughout the past centuries not only claimed an excessive share of the wealth of nature which was properly shared by all within the community, through the unequal trades of mercantilism they claimed an excessive share of the wealth on the periphery of their trading empires. Adam Smith describes mercantilism for us:
[Mercantilism’s] ultimate object… is always the same, to enrich the country [city or state] by an advantageous balance of trade. It discourages the exportation of the materials of manufacture [tools and raw material], and the instruments of trade, in order to give our own workmen an advantage, and to enable them to undersell those of other nations [cities] in all foreign markets: and by restraining, in this manner, the exportation of a few commodities of no great price, it proposes to occasion a much greater and more valuable exportation of others. It encourages the importation of the materials of manufacture, in order that our own people may be enabled to work them up more cheaply, and thereby prevent a greater and more valuable importation of the manufactured commodities.
William Appleman Williams describes mercantilism at its zenith: “The world was defined as known and finite, a principle agreed upon by science and theology. Hence the chief way for a nation to promote or achieve its own wealth and happiness was to take them away from some other country.”
When the injustice of mercantilism was understood, it became too embarrassing and was replaced by the supposedly just Adam Smith free trade. But free trade as practiced by Adam Smith neo-mercantilists was far from fair trade. Adam Smith unequal free trade is little more than a philosophy for the continued subtle monopolization of the wealth-producing-process, largely through continued privatization of the commons of both an internal economy and the economies of weak nations on the periphery of trading empires. So long as weak nations could be forced to accept the unequal trades of Adam Smith free trade, they would be handing their wealth to the imperial-centers-of-capital of their own free will. In short, Adam Smith free trade, as established by neo-mercantilists, was only mercantilism hiding under the cover of free trade.
— J.W. Smith, Cooperative Capitalism; A Blueprint for Global Peace and Prosperity, (Quality Books, Inc, 2003), pp.4-5
Colonialism and Imperialism Needed To Succeed
Free trade formed the basis of free enterprise for capitalists and up until the Great Depression of the 1930s was the primary economic theory followed in the United States and Britain. But from a global perspective, this free trade was accompanied by geopolitics making it look more like mercantilism. For both these nations (as well as others) to succeeded and remain competitive in the international arena, they had a strong foundation of imperialism, colonialism and subjugation of others in order to have access to the resources required to produce such vast wealth. As J.W. Smith notes above, this was hardly the free trade that Adam Smith suggested and it seemed like a continuation of mercantilist policies.
However, even during its prevalent times before the Second World War, neoliberalism had already started to show signs of increasing disparities between rich and poor.
Because of the Great Depression in the 1930s, an economist, John Maynard Keynes, suggested that regulation and government intervention was actually needed in order to provide more equity in development. This led to the “Keynesian” model of development and after World War II formed the foundation for the rebuilding of the U.S-European-centered international economic system. The Marshall Plan for Europe helped reconstruct it and the European nations saw the benefits of social provisions such as health, education and so on, as did the U.S. under President Roosevelt’s New Deal.
In fact, the Bretton Woods Institutions (the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank) were actually designed with Keynesian policies in mind; to help provide international regulation and control of capital. As Susan George notes, “when these institutions were created at Bretton Woods in 1944, their mandate was to help prevent future conflicts by lending for reconstruction and development and by smoothing out temporary balance of payments problems. They had no control over individual government’s economic decisions nor did their mandate include a license to intervene in national policy.” This is very different from what they are doing today.
In 1945 or 1950, if you had seriously proposed any of the ideas and policies in today’s standard neo-liberal toolkit, you would have been laughed off the stage at or sent off to the insane asylum. At least in the Western countries, at that time, everyone was a Keynesian, a social democrat or a social-Christian democrat or some shade of Marxist. The idea that the market should be allowed to make major social and political decisions; the idea that the State should voluntarily reduce its role in the economy, or that corporations should be given total freedom, that trade unions should be curbed and citizens given much less rather than more social protection — such ideas were utterly foreign to the spirit of the time. Even if someone actually agreed with these ideas, he or she would have hesitated to take such a position in public and would have had a hard time finding an audience.
— Susan George, A Short History of Neoliberalism: Twenty Years of Elite Economics and Emerging Opportunities for Structural Change, Conference on Economic Sovereignty in a Globalising World, Bangkok, 24-26 March 1999
However, as elites and corporations saw their profits diminish with this equalizing effect, economic liberalism was revived, hence the term “neoliberalism”. Except, that this new form was not just limited to national boundaries, but instead was to apply to international economics as well. Starting from the University of Chicago with the philosopher-economist Friedrich von Hayek and his students such as Milton Friedman, the ideology of neoliberalism was pushed very thoroughly around the world.
Even before this though, there were indications that the world economic order was headed this way: the majority of wars throughout history have had economics, trade and resources at their core. The want for access to cheap resources to continue creating vast wealth and power allowed the imperial empires to justify military action, imperialism and colonialism in the name of “national interests”, “national security”, “humanitarian” intervention and so on. In fact, as J.W. Smith notes:
The wealth of the ancient city-states of Venice and Genoa was based on their powerful navies, and treaties with other great powers to control trade. This evolved into nations designing their trade policies to intercept the wealth of others (mercantilism). Occasionally one powerful country would overwhelm another through interception of its wealth though a trade war, covert war, or hot war; but the weaker, less developed countries usually lose in these exchanges. It is the military power of the more developed countries that permits them to dictate the terms of trade and maintain unequal relationships.
— J.W. Smith, The World’s Wasted Wealth 2, (Institute for Economic Democracy, 1994), p. 120.
As European and American economies grew, they needed to continue expansion to maintain the high standards of living that some elites were attaining in those days. This required holding on to, and expanding colonial territories in order to gain further access to the raw materials and resources, as well exploiting cheap labor. Those who resisted were often met with brutal repression or military interventions. This is not a controversial perception. Even U.S. President Woodrow Wilson recognized this in the early part of the 20th century:
Since trade ignores national boundaries and the manufacturer insists on having the world as a market, the flag of his nation must follow him, and the doors of the nations which are closed against him must be battered down. Concessions obtained by financiers must be safeguarded by ministers of state, even if the sovereignty of unwilling nations be outraged in the process. Colonies must be obtained or planted, in order that no useful corner of the world may be overlooked or left unused.
— Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, 1919, Quoted by Noam Chomsky, On Power and Ideology, (South End Press, 1990), p.14.
Richard Robbins, Professor of Anthropology and author of Global Problems and the Culture of Capitalism is also worth quoting at length:
The Great Global Depression of 1873 that lasted essentially until 1895 was the first great manifestation of the capitalist business crisis. The depression was not the first economic crisis [as there had been many for thousands of years] but the financial collapse of 1873 revealed the degree of global economic integration, and how economic events in one part of the globe could reverberate in others.…
The Depression of 1873 revealed another big problem with capitalist expansion and perpetual growth: it can continue only as long as there is a ready supply of raw materials and an increasing demand for goods, along with ways to invest profits and capital. Given this situation, if you were an American or European investor in 1873, where would you look for economic expansion?
The obvious answer was to expand European and American power overseas, particularly into areas that remained relatively untouched by capitalist expansion — Africa, Asia, and the Pacific. Colonialism had become, in fact, a recognized solution to the need to expand markets, increase opportunities for investors, and ensure the supply of raw material. Cecil Rhodes, one of the great figures of England’s colonization of Africa, recognized the importance of overseas expansion for maintaining peace at home. In 1895 Rhodes said:
I was in the East End of London yesterday and attended a meeting of the unemployed. I listened to the wild speeches, which were just a cry for “bread”, “bread,” and on my way home I pondered over the scene and I became more than ever convinced of the importance of imperialism.… My cherished idea is a solution for the social problem, i.e., in order to save the 40,000,000 inhabitants of the United Kingdom from a bloody civil war, we colonial statesmen must acquire new lands for settling the surplus population, to provide new markets for the goods produced in the factories and mines. The Empire, as I have always said, is a bread and butter question. If you want to avoid civil war, you must become imperialist.
As a result of this cry for imperialist expansion, people all over the world were converted into producers of export crops as millions of subsistence farmers were forced to become wage laborers producing for the market and required to purchase from European and American merchants and industrialists, rather than supply for themselves, their basic needs.
— Richard H. Robbins, Global Problems and the Culture of Capitalism, (Allyn and Bacon), pp. 93-94
World War I was, in effect, a resource war as Imperial centers battled over themselves for control of the rest of the world. World War II was another such battle, perhaps the ultimate one. However, the former imperial nations realized that to fight like this is not the way, and became more cooperative instead.
Unfortunately, that cooperation was not for all the world’s interests primarily, but their own. The Soviet attempt of an independent path to development (flawed that it was, because of its centralized, paranoid and totalitarian perspectives), was a threat to these centers of capital because their own colonies might “get the wrong idea” and also try for an independent path to their development.
Because World War II left the empires weak, the colonized countries started to break free. In some places, where countries had the potential to bring more democratic processes into place and maybe even provide an example for their neighbors to follow it threatened multinational corporations and their imperial (or former imperial) states (for example, by reducing access to cheap resources). As a result, their influence, power and control was also threatened. Often then, military actions were sanctioned. To the home populations, the fear of communism was touted, even if it was not the case, in order to gain support.
… you have to sell [intervention or other military actions] in such a way as to create the misimpression that it is the Soviet Union the you are fighting…
— Professor Samuel Huntingdon, Harvard University, Quoted by Noam Chomsky in Latin America: From Colonization to Globalization, (Ocean Press, 1999), p.18)
The net effect was that everyone fell into line, as if it were, allowing a form of globalization that suited the big businesses and elite classes mainly of the former imperial powers. (Hence, there is no surprise that some of the main World War II rivals, USA, Germany and Japan as well as other European nations are so prosperous, while the former colonial countries are still so poor; the economic booms of those wealthy nations have been at the expense of most people around the world.) Thus, to ensure this unequal success, power, and advantage globalization was backed up with military might (and still is).
Hence, even with what seemed like the end of imperialism and colonialism at the end of World War II, and the promotion of Adam Smith free trade and free markets, mercantilist policies still continued. (Adam Smith exposed the previous system as mercantilist and unjust. He then proposed free market capitalism as the alternative. Yet, a reading of Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations would reveal that today is a far cry from the free market capitalism he suggested, and instead could still be considered monopoly capitalism, or the age-old mercantilism that he had exposed! More about this in the next section on this site.) And so, a belief system had to accompany the political objectives:
When the blatant injustices of mercantilist imperialism became too embarrassing, a belief system was imposed that mercantilism had been abandoned and true free trade was in place. In reality the same wealth confiscation went on, deeply buried within complex systems of monopolies and unequal trade hiding under the cover of free trade. Many explanations were given for wars between the imperial nations when there was really one common thread: “Who will control resources and trade and the wealth produced through inequalities in trade?” All this is proven by the inequalities of trade siphoning the world’s wealth to imperial centers of capital today just as they did when the secret of plunder by trade was learned centuries ago. The battles over the world’s wealth have only kept hiding behind different belief systems each time the secrets of laying claim to the wealth of others’ have been exposed.
— J.W. Smith, Economic Democracy; The Political Struggle for the 21st Century, (M.E. Sharpe, 2000) p.126
Going Global
The Reagan and Thatcher era in particular, saw neoliberalism pushed to most parts of the globe, almost demonizing anything that was publicly owned, encouraging the privatization of anything it could, using military interventions if needed. Structural Adjustment policies were used to open up economies of poorer countries so that big businesses from the rich countries could own or access many resources cheaply.
Lori Wallach, Director of Global Trade Watch, also describes in a video clip (4:30 minutes, transcript) how even the term free “trade” is misleading, for the free trade agenda pushed through the World Trade Organization includes many non-trade issues, such that trade is just one small part:
Lori Wallach, Free Trade—The Price Paid (Part One), April 13, 2005, © Big Picture TV
The belief in free markets (or the version being promoted) was very ideological:
So, from a small, unpopular sect with virtually no influence, neo-liberalism has become the major world religion with its dogmatic doctrine, its priesthood, its law-giving institutions and perhaps most important of all, its hell for heathen and sinners who dare to contest the revealed truth. Oskar Lafontaine, the ex-German Finance Minister who the Financial Times called an “unreconstructed Keynesian” has just been consigned to that hell because he dared to propose higher taxes on corporations and tax cuts for ordinary and less well-off families.
1979, the year Margaret Thatcher came to power and undertook the neo-liberal revolution in Britain. The Iron Lady was herself a disciple of Friedrich von Hayek, she was a social Darwinist and had no qualms about expressing her convictions. She was well known for justifying her program with the single word TINA, short for There Is No Alternative. The central value of Thatcher’s doctrine and of neo-liberalism itself is the notion of competition — competition between nations, regions, firms and of course between individuals. Competition is central because it separates the sheep from the goats, the men from the boys, the fit from the unfit. It is supposed to allocate all resources, whether physical, natural, human or financial with the greatest possible efficiency.
In sharp contrast, the great Chinese philosopher Lao Tzu ended his Tao-te Ching with these words: “Above all, do not compete”. The only actors in the neo-liberal world who seem to have taken his advice are the largest actors of all, the Transnational Corporations. The principle of competition scarcely applies to them; they prefer to practice what we could call Alliance Capitalism.
— Susan George, A Short History of Neoliberalism: Twenty Years of Elite Economics and Emerging Opportunities for Structural Change, Conference on Economic Sovereignty in a Globalising World, Bangkok, 24-26 March 1999
As former World Bank Chief Economist Josepth Stiglitz notes, it is a simplistic ideology which most developed nations have resisted themselves:
The Washington Consensus policies, however, were based on a simplistic model of the market economy, the competitive equilibrium model, in which Adam Smith’s invisible hand works, and works perfectly. Because in this model there is no need for government — that is, free, unfettered, “liberal” markets work perfectly — the Washington Consensus policies are sometimes referred to as “neo-liberal,” based on “market fundamentalism,” a resuscitation of the laissez-faire policies that were popular in some circles in the nineteenth century. In the aftermath of the Great Depression and the recognition of other failings of the market system, from massive inequality to unlivable cities marred by pollution and decay, these free market policies have been widely rejected in the more advanced industrial countries, though within these countries there remains an active debate about the appropriate balance between government and markets.
— Joseph Stiglitz, Globalization and Its Discontents, (Allen Lane/Penguin Books, 2002), p.74
Activist and academic Raj Patel explains that prices do not accurately reflect the value of commodities due to so many externalities (a $4 hamburger should cost $200 for example if some environmental aspects are factored in, for example), and also notes that various leading proponents of neoliberalism are now admitting it too, in the wake of the financial crash in 2008. Furthermore, markets aren’t separate from social and political contexts in which they function, yet, business leaders and governments were all too willing to go for the simpler soundbites:
The problem with the Efficient Markets Hypothesis is that it doesn’t work. If it were true, then there’d be no incentive to invest in research because the market would, by magic, have beaten you to it. Economists Sanford Grossman and Joseph Stiglitz demonstrated this in 1980, and hundreds of subsequent studies have pointed out quite how unrealistic the hypothesis is, some of the most influential of which were written by Eugene Fama himself [who first formulated the idea as a a Ph.D. student in the University of Chicago Business School in the 1960s]. Markets can behave irrationally—investors can herd behind a stock, pushing its value up in ways entirely unrelated to the stock being traded.
Despite ample economic evidence to suggest it was false, the idea of efficient markets ran riot through governments.
— Raj Patel, Flaw , The Value of Nothing, (Picador, 2010), pp.10-11, 12-13
Since the Cold War has ended, it is almost no surprise that today’s globalization has come in the form we see it — that is where it would have been had the Cold War not got “in the way”. The World Wars were about rival powers fighting amongst themselves to the spoils of the rest of the world; maintaining their empires and influence over the terms of world trade, commerce and, ultimately, power.
Throughout the Cold War, we contained a global threat to market democracies: now we should seek to enlarge their reach.
— Anthony Lake, National Security adviser, 1990, quoted from Noam Chomsky, World Orders Old and New, (Columbia University Press, 1996), p.71.
John Gray, mentioned above, notes that the same processes to force the peasantry off their lands and into waged labor, and to socially engineer a transformation to free markets is also taking place today in the third world:
The achievement of a similar transformation [as in mid-nineteenth century England] is the overriding objective today of transnational organizations such as the World Trade Organisation, the International Monetary Fund and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. In advancing this revolutionary project they are following the lead of the world’s last great Enlightenment regime, the United States. The thinkers of the Enlightenment, such as Thomas Jefferson, Tom Paine, John Stuart Mill and Karl Marx never doubted that the future for every nation in the world was to accept some version of western institutions and values. A diversity of cultures was not a permanent condition of human life. It was a stage on the way to a universal civilization, in which the varied traditions and culture of the past were superseded by a new, universal community founded on reason.
— John Gray, False Dawn: The Delusions of Global Capitalism, (The New Press, 1998), pp.1-2
Gray also notes how this western view of the world is not necessarily compatible with the views of other cultures and this imposition for a western view of civilization may not be accepted by everyone. Ironically then, using terms like “Enlightenment”, “freedom”, “liberty”, etc, which is common in such discourse, as Gray notes, results in conformity, almost totalitarian in nature.
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Going bust? The Global Financial Crisis Shakes Confidence
Around mid-2008 a financial crisis, starting in the US, spread around the world into a global financial crisis, and then into a more general economic crisis, which, as of writing this, the world has still not recovered from.
The crisis has been so severe, criticisms of market fundamentalism and neoliberalism are more widespread than before.
The Value of Nothing, Raj Patel, July 28, 2010
Raj Patel argues that the markets in their current shape have created a convoluted idea of value; “value meals” are cheap but unhealthy whereas fruit and veg are often more expensive; rainforests are hardly valued whereas felling trees adds to the economy.
Flawed assumptions about the underlying economic systems contributed to this problem and had been building up for a long time, the current financial crisis being one of its eventualities.
This problem could have been averted (in theory) as people had been pointing to these issues for decades. Yet, of course, during periods of boom no-one (let alone the financial institutions and their supporting ideologues and politicians largely believed to be responsible for the bulk of the problems) would want to hear of caution and even thoughts of the kind of regulation that many are now advocating. To suggest anything would be anti-capitalism or socialism or some other label that could effectively shut up even the most prominent of economists raising concerns.
Of course, the irony that those same institutions would now themselves agree that those “anti-capitalist” regulations are required is of course barely noted. Such options now being considered are not anti-capitalist. However, they could be described as more regulatory or managed rather than completely free or laissez faire capitalism, which critics of regulation have often preferred. But a regulatory capitalist economy is very different to a state-based command economy, the style of which the Soviet Union was known for. The points is that there are various forms of capitalism, not just the black-and-white capitalism and communism. And at the same time, the most extreme forms of capitalism can also lead to the bigger bubbles and the bigger busts.
In that context, the financial crisis, as severe as it was, led to key architects of the system admitting to flaws in key aspects of the ideology.
At the end of 2008, Alan Greenspan was summoned to the U.S. Congress to testify about the financial crisis. His tenure at the Federal Reserve had been long and lauded, and Congress wanted to know what had gone wrong. Henry Waxman questioned him:
- Greenspan: I found a flaw in the model that I perceived is the critical functioning structure that defines how the world works, so to speak.
- Waxman: In other words, you found that your view of the world, your ideology, was not right, it was not working.
- Greenspan: Precisely. That is precisely the reason I was shocked, because I had been going for 40 years or more with very considerable evidence that it was working exceptionally well.
— Raj Patel, Flaw , The Value of Nothing, (Picador, 2010), pp.4, 6-7
Quoting Stiglitz again, he captures the sentiments of a number of people:
We had become accustomed to the hypocrisy. The banks reject any suggestion they should face regulation, rebuff any move towards anti-trust measures — yet when trouble strikes, all of a sudden they demand state intervention: they must be bailed out; they are too big, too important to be allowed to fail.
…
America’s financial system failed in its two crucial responsibilities: managing risk and allocating capital. The industry as a whole has not been doing what it should be doing … and it must now face change in its regulatory structures. Regrettably, many of the worst elements of the US financial system … were exported to the rest of the world.
— Joseph Stiglitz, The fruit of hypocrisy; Dishonesty in the finance sector dragged us here, and Washington looks ill-equipped to guide us out, The Guardian, September 16, 2008
Some of these regulatory measures have been easy to get around for various reasons. Some reasons for weak regulation that entrepreneur Mark Shuttleworth describes include that regulators
- Are poorly paid or are not the best talent
- Often lack true independence (or are corrupted by industries lobbying for favors)
- May lack teeth or courage in face of hostile industries and a politically hostile climate to regulation.
However, this crisis wasted almost a generation of talent:
It was all done in the name of innovation, and any regulatory initiative was fought away with claims that it would suppress that innovation. They were innovating, all right, but not in ways that made the economy stronger. Some of America’s best and brightest were devoting their talents to getting around standards and regulations designed to ensure the efficiency of the economy and the safety of the banking system. Unfortunately, they were far too successful, and we are all — homeowners, workers, investors, taxpayers — paying the price.
— Joseph Stiglitz, The fruit of hypocrisy; Dishonesty in the finance sector dragged us here, and Washington looks ill-equipped to guide us out, The Guardian, September 16, 2008
Paul Krugman also notes the wasted talent, at the expense of other areas in much need:
How much has our nation’s future been damaged by the magnetic pull of quick personal wealth, which for years has drawn many of our best and brightest young people into investment banking, at the expense of science, public service and just about everything else?
— Paul Krugman, The Madoff Economy, New York Times, Opinion, December 19, 2008
The wasted capital, labor and resources all add up.
British economist John Maynard Keynes, is considered one of the most influential economists of the 20th century and one of the fathers of modern macroeconomics. He advocated an interventionist form of government policy believing markets left to their own measure (i.e. completely “freed”) could be destructive leading to cycles of recessions, depressions and booms. To mitigate against the worst effects of these cycles, he supported the idea that governments could use various fiscal and monetary measures. His ideas helped rebuild after World War II, until the 1970s when his ideas were abandoned for freer market systems.
Keynes’ biographer, professor Robert Skidelsky, argues that free markets have undermined democracy and led to this crisis in the first place:
What creates a crisis of the kind that now engulfs us is not economics but politics. The triumph of the global “free” market, which has dominated the world over the last three decades has been a political triumph.
It has reflected the dominance of those who believe that governments (for which read the views and interests of ordinary people) should be kept away from the levers of power, and that the tiny minority who control and benefit most from the economic process are the only people competent to direct it.
This band of greedy oligarchs have used their economic power to persuade themselves and most others that we will all be better off if they are in no way restrained—and if they cannot persuade, they have used that same economic power to override any opposition. The economic arguments in favor of free markets are no more than a fig leaf for this self-serving doctrine of self-aggrandizement.
— Bryan Gould, Who voted for the markets? The economic crisis makes it plain: we surrendered power to wealthy elites and fatally undermined democracy, The Guardian, November 26, 2008
Furthermore, he argues that the democratic process has been abused and manipulated to allow a concentration of power that is actually against the idea of free markets and real capitalism:
The uncomfortable truth is that democracy and free markets are incompatible. The whole point of democratic government is that it uses the legitimacy of the democratic mandate to diffuse power throughout society rather than allow it to accumulate—as any player of Monopoly understands—in just a few hands. It deliberately uses the political power of the majority to offset what would otherwise be the overwhelming economic power of the dominant market players.
If governments accept, as they have done, that the “free” market cannot be challenged, they abandon, in effect, their whole raison d'etre. Democracy is then merely a sham. … No amount of cosmetic tinkering at the margins will conceal the fact that power has passed to that handful of people who control the global economy.
— Bryan Gould, Who voted for the markets? The economic crisis makes it plain: we surrendered power to wealthy elites and fatally undermined democracy, The Guardian, November 26, 2008
Despite Keynesian economics getting a bad press from free market advocates for many years, many are now turning to his policies and ideas to help weather the economic crisis.
We are all Keynesians now. Even the right in the United States has joined the Keynesian camp with unbridled enthusiasm and on a scale that at one time would have been truly unimaginable.
… after having been left in the wilderness, almost shunned, for more than three decades … what is happening now is a triumph of reason and evidence over ideology and interests.
Economic theory has long explained why unfettered markets were not self-correcting, why regulation was needed, why there was an important role for government to play in the economy. But many, especially people working in the financial markets, pushed a type of “market fundamentalism.” The misguided policies that resulted — pushed by, among others, some members of President-elect Barack Obama’s economic team — had earlier inflicted enormous costs on developing countries. The moment of enlightenment came only when those policies also began inflicting costs on the US and other advanced industrial countries.
…
The neo-liberal push for deregulation served some interests well. Financial markets did well through capital market liberalization. Enabling America to sell its risky financial products and engage in speculation all over the world may have served its firms well, even if they imposed large costs on others.
Today, the risk is that the new Keynesian doctrines will be used and abused to serve some of the same interests.
— Joseph Stiglitz, Getting bang for your buck, The Guardian, December 5, 2008
Some of the world’s top financiers and officials are reluctantly accepting that the version of capitalism that has long favored them may not be good for everyone.
Stiglitz observed this remarkable resignation at the annual Davos forum, usually a meeting place of rich world leaders and the corporate elite, who usually together reassert ways to go full steam ahead with a form of corporate globalization that has benefited those at the top. This time, however, Stiglitz noted that
[There was a] striking … loss of faith in markets. In a widely attended brainstorming session at which participants were asked what single failure accounted for the crisis, there was a resounding answer: the belief that markets were self-correcting.
The so-called “efficient markets” model, which holds that prices fully and efficiently reflect all available information, also came in for a trashing. So did inflation targeting: the excessive focus on inflation had diverted attention from the more fundamental question of financial stability. Central bankers’ belief that controlling inflation was necessary and almost sufficient for growth and prosperity had never been based on sound economic theory.
… no one from either the Bush or Obama administrations attempted to defend American-style free-wheeling capitalism.… Most American financial leaders seemed too embarrassed to make an appearance. Perhaps their absence made it easier for those who did attend to vent their anger. Labor leaders working for the … business community were particularly angry at the financial community’s lack of remorse. A call for the repayment of past bonuses was received with applause.
— Joseph Stiglitz, Fear and loathing in Davos, The Guardian, February 6, 2009
Some at the top, however, have tried to play the role of victim:
Indeed, some American financiers were especially harshly criticized for seeming to take the position that they, too, were victims … and it seemed particularly galling that they were continuing to hold a gun to the heads of governments, demanding massive bailouts and threatening economic collapse otherwise. Money was flowing to those who had caused the problem, rather than to the victims.
Worse still, much of the money flowing into the banks to recapitalize them so that they could resume lending has been flowing out in the form of bonus payments and dividends.
— Joseph Stiglitz, Fear and loathing in Davos, The Guardian, February 6, 2009
And as much as this crisis affects wealthier nations, the poorest will suffer most in the long run:
… This crisis raises fundamental questions about globalization, which was supposed to help diffuse risk. Instead, it has enabled America’s failures to spread around the world, like a contagious disease. Still, the worry at Davos was that there would be a retreat from even our flawed globalization, and that poor countries would suffer the most.
But the playing field has always been uneven. If developing countries can’t compete with America's subsidies and guarantees, how could any developing country defend to its citizens the idea of opening itself even more to America’s highly subsidized banks? At least for the moment, financial market liberalization seems to be dead.
— Joseph Stiglitz, Fear and loathing in Davos, The Guardian, February 6, 2009
In effect, the globalization project, an ideal that sounded appealing for many around the world, was flawed by politics and greed; the inter-connectedness it created meant that as any flaws revealed themselves, the unraveling of such a system would have far greater reach and consequences, especially upon people who had nothing to do with its creation in the first place.
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More InformationThe above may seem long, but many volumes could be written to expand on the above themes. Until I can get to do something like that, the following are links to some useful resources to help understand neoliberalism and its historical and current context:
- A Short History of Neo-Liberalism: Twenty Years of Elite Economics and Emerging Opportunities for Structural Change by Susan George, from a conference on Economic Sovereignty in a Globalising World, Bangkok, 24-26 March 1999
- What is “Neo-Liberalism”? A brief definition for activists by Elizabeth Martinez and Arnoldo Garcia, National Network for Immigrant and Refugee Rights, January 1, 1997 (posted at CorpWatch.org)
- Has Globalisation Really Made Nations Redundant? The States We are Still In, by Noelle Burgi and Philip S. Golub, Le Monde Diplomatique, April 2000.
- The Essence of Neoliberalism by Pierre Bordieu, Le Monde Diplomatique, December 1998
- The Institute for Economic Democracy has a wealth of information.
- Program on Corporations Law & Democracy looks at the creation and development of English commercial corporations and the abolition of democratic control over their behavior. From UK-based Corporate Watch (not related to the above-mentioned US-based organization of the same name!)
- This web site’s look at projecting power introduces the link between geopolitics and economics; of the use of military to back up trade objectives.
- The Citizens’ Guide to Trade, Environment and Sustainability from Friends of the Earth gives an overview of the world trade system, the ideology, the impact on society, environment, etc.
- Neoliberalism: origins, theory, definition is a detailed look by Paul Treanor, a political thinker and writer.
- The Luckiest Nut In The World is an 8 minute video (sorry, no transcript available, as far as I know), produced by Emily James. It is a useful and light way of explaining some of the issues around free trade (in its current form) and its impact on poorer countries. Under their license, it has been reposted here. (Please note the license of this video is not covered by this site’s own license).
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