REAGAN as Gov of CA began the dismantling of our public university system in an effort to quell all that 'radicalism'.....LEFT-LEANING STUFF.
UNGRATEFUL STUDENTS AND INSUBORDINATE FACULTY----
'Like Hoover, Reagan saw the Berkeley campus as a breeding ground for radicalism, where ungrateful students and insubordinate faculty used state resources to engage in anti-American protests. In their eyes, Savio was a "ringleader," and Kerr was, at the least, unwilling or unable to take control, and maybe a dangerous subversive himself'.
What is different today from this 1960-70s period for our university students? Back in 1960s there was no corporate monopoly or deregulated Wall Street and our economy was thriving---students graduated and found jobs very quickly earning high salaries and having careers if they wanted. Being involved in politics was not allowed to create conditions to harm a citizen's job, housing, education prospects AND THOSE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS WERE ENFORCED.
'The Economy in the 1960’s
In the 1960’s economist Arthur Okun created a simple system for measuring economic well-being called the “misery index” which was simply the inflation rate plus the unemployment rate. Interestingly during the 1960’s the misery index was one of the lowest on record dipping below 6% in late 1965'.
The Republicans under REAGAN tried to make this period sound decadent and immoral. Below we see a Republican media person-----Joan Didion reporting as to such a level of debauchery around Berkeley provoking the need to reform. Didion et al were writing of debauchery and Reagan was riding election on the false issue of societal decadence. Think about the GREEK LIFE these few decades on college campus and you will know there is far more decadence and societal immorality with this corporate right-leaning control of our universities.
What was happening on university campuses like Berkeley in the 1960s is the same as happens throughout history----young adults are finding themselves, being independent including partying, and forming associations. Same thing happening today accept almost all has to do with BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS. The Chinese businessmen have a societal structure of long lunches with lots of drinking during mid-day so our US university grads must adopt that approach to enter markets----it's OK to be a functioning addict or alcoholic ---
I AM SHOUTING TO THOSE CITIZENS PULLED TO THE RIGHT WING----EVEN CONSERVATIVE UNIVERSITIES WANT TO HAVE FREEDOM TO PROMOTE THEIR OWN PUBLIC POLICY AND IDEALS OF WHAT FREEDOM AND LIBERTY LOOK LIKE AND OUR PUBLIC UNIVERSITIES IS WHERE THIS HAPPENS----LEFT-LEANING OR RIGHT-LEANING.
Weekend workers dressing like BEATS----that is culture.
A Critic at Large
August 24, 2015 Issue New Yorker
Out of Bethlehem
The radicalization of Joan Didion.
And there weren’t that many of them. Most of the people who walked around the Village looking like Beats in 1960, like most of the people who walked around San Francisco or Berkeley or Cambridge looking like hippies in 1967, were weekend dropouts. They were contingent rebels. They put on the costumes; they went to the concerts and got high; and then they went back to school or back to work. It was a life style, not a life.
Even if you factored in the contingent leisure force, the hippie counterculture was small. The sensationalized press coverage of the period has left a permanent image of the late nineteen-sixties as a time when everyone was tripping or stoned. In 1967, when Didion’s article came out, only one per cent of college students reported having tried LSD. In 1969, only four per cent of adults said they had smoked marijuana.
Growing citizenship skills and learning public policy and government is what a student's university/college experience has always been about----so why are citizens FEARFUL of being on record for their beliefs? CONSOLIDATED JOB MARKET AND CORRUPT GOVERNMENT.
Embracing Student Activism
Posted on March 2, 2016
Cassie Barnhardt of the University of Iowa and Kimberly Reyes of the University of Michigan on the need for campus leaders to engage student activism so higher education can continue to be an agent of social change. This is the latest post in a series sparked by recent student protests and the national dialogue on diversity and inclusion.
This past November, the country witnessed a watershed for American student activism at the University of Missouri, now known across the country by its familiar name, Mizzou. In response to a series of racial incidents on campus, protests coordinated by the student activist group ConcernedStudent1950, including a powerful boycott from the university’s Black football players, ended in the resignation of both the president and the chancellor.
While multiple matters drove the Mizzou students’ calls for change, concerns regarding the racial climate were certainly at the top of their list, motivating them to mobilize. The racial turbulence and injustice surrounding the events in Ferguson, MO the previous year also had left an imprint on the Mizzou student community, a campus comprised of upwards of 60 percent Missouri residents.
Links between the broader social context of what is happening off campus and students’ on-campus activism have long been a means for students to personalize, contextualize and make sense of what it means to pursue social change. The events at Mizzou helped galvanize nascent efforts at other universities and brought urgency to an ongoing national conversation about improving postsecondary access and success for underrepresented students, dismantling racial oppression and undoing routines of inequity.
Campus leaders and the public may perceive the high-profile activism at Mizzou, University of Michigan, UCLA, or the lesser-known petitions and protests on campuses as a signal that U.S. universities have become unduly entrenched by identity politics or oversensitivity, or that these patterns of protest present obstacles to the tasks of student learning and employability. However, campuses derive their legitimacy in part on their commitment to developing excellence, integrity and a sense of community among their students. Student activism provides a space for institutions to be thoughtful about enacting those very commitments.
The campus-based movements of the 1960s are often the reference point for the connection between student activism and social change. However, a pre-1960s perspective shows that each period of structural and cultural transition from the nation’s founding to today has a corresponding story of campus protest and dissent (see “Student Activism and Social Change on Campus Before the 1960s”).
From the earliest historical accounts, campus-based activism has reflected grievances based in the political dynamics of the nation. In the process of student protest, those broad social grievances were projected and transferred into more precise, localized calls for transformation on campus. This pattern continued with the campus-based movements of the 1960s. In particular, the activism surrounding area and ethnic studies curricular offerings (depicted in books by Robert Rhoads, Fabio Rojas, and Mikaila Mariel Lemonik Arthur) were uniquely tied to larger social movements aimed at marginalized social identity groups, and represented a discrete effort to achieve structural changes in the academy (i.e., adopting new programs and majors). Recent campus unrest, then, may be a signal that universities remain deeply connected to social change, even at a time when society is renegotiating predominant understandings of social status, with race and ethnicity in the foreground.
Perhaps as a result of the turbulence that characterized the anti-war and racial justice campus movements of the 1960s, there is a logic in higher education practice that characterizes student activism merely as a short-lived product of students’ identities, rather than emphasizing the role of the academy as a site of activism and social change. But as a society that values higher education, we must not lose sight that student activism is an opportunity to scrutinize the campus contexts, conditions and social realities that speak to students’ underlying claims or grievances.
So how can campus leaders engage student activism such that universities can continue to be vehicles for social change? Here are three things to keep in mind:
First, campus activism has positive outcomes for students.
Some campus leaders may view student activism as dreaded fires to be extinguished. However, research has shown that students engaged in activism reap educational benefits such as developing an inclination to continue their political participation well into mid-life and acquiring a greater sense of social responsibility and identity consciousness (Cole & Stewart, 1996; Stewart, Settles, & Winter, 1998). Increasingly, studies have noted that beneath the contention and dissatisfaction that characterize campus protest, students on campuses with a culture of activism and advocacy experience gains in critical thinking (Tsui, 2000) civic engagement (Sax, 2004) and commitment to the larger community (Barnhardt, Sheets, & Pasquesi, 2015). Scholars of campus activism characterize its great potential for teaching students about the importance of democratic participation, leadership and the ability to build coalitions amongst a wide variety of individuals on campus (Kezar, 2010; Rhoads, Saenz, & Carducci, 2005).
For these reasons, higher education researchers stress that activism should be viewed as a developmental component of student learning, and that campus unrest must be understood in the context of civic engagement. Campus leaders are right to recognize that in expressing dissent, students are constructing ideas and perspectives that may one day provide solutions to some of our nation’s most urgent and complex dilemmas.
Second, student activism also has positive outcomes for campus leaders and is something they can learn from.
While students may certainly be inspired by social movements or political situations external to the campus, scholars of campus activism emphasize that the interests, motivations and tactics of student activists are influenced by the campus context. What students choose to protest about, how they choose to frame their messages, and which actions they take to communicate their ideas are shaped by their experiences as students at the institution. Although social activism is commonly associated with civil disobedience, research shows that student activism tends to take on more conventional approaches that creatively disrupt taken-for-granted norms on campus (Barnhardt, 2014).
For example, Latina/o students at Duke University, who comprise only 7 percent of the undergraduate student body, recently issued a set of demands targeted at improving their academic and social experience. Similar to the demands made by other student activists, the Duke students called for a number of changes that spanned cultural resources, admissions policies, retention and the representation of faculty of color. To bring visibility to their cause, they boycotted their traditional involvement in a major annual Latino student recruitment event. Like many other cases of student activism, their tactical approach drew on themes of institutional history and culture, while creating uncertainty around traditional organizational practices dealing with recruitment, admissions and the hiring of personnel. So the nature of student activism can send important messages about how students experience and perceive the campus, and in this case, about the effectiveness of the institution’s structural approach to campus diversity.
Third, by paying close attention to the tactical approaches of student activists, campus leaders can create discursive spaces for the ideas they raise, where multiple campus stakeholders can be exposed to the issues underlying the grievances.
Research suggests that campuses where student voices are valued and social activism is promoted can better address pressing social concerns (Biddix, 2014). Campus leaders can work to build this type of campus culture instead of allowing the condemnation of activism as merely a challenge to institutional authority. Just as student activists may draw on discursive tactics to express dissent, so can campus leaders use community discourse to increase understanding among the campus community and enable the exchanges required for addressing activists’ demands in ways that are resonant with campus culture.
If a campus has not yet experienced some form of collective action or mobilization by students, faculty, or staff, it is likely only a matter of time. Just as Ferguson inspired Mizzou activists, the Black Lives Matter movement and other recent campus protests connect to what students are experiencing at their institution and their home communities. New research indicates that nearly one in ten incoming freshmen plan on getting involved with activism, with Black students more than twice as likely to participate in campus protests than white students (Eagan et al., 2015). Campus leaders who recognize the educational triumph in student activism and pursue the difficult work of building understanding through listening will add complexity and nuance to their students’ emerging views—and honor the longstanding tradition of U.S. colleges and universities as agents of social change.
Today we have the opposite conditions-----extreme stagnancy in our US economy as global corporations and global Wall Street deliberately killed our local economies and control all development both rural and urban. What the Federal government calls unemployment-----national media giving us 5-6% is simply how many people are receiving unemployment benefits----the long-term unemployment numbers are huge......35-50%. The monopolies in US cities like BAltimore are tremendous and this is what has our university students fearful of being CITIZENS.
Obama's terms has been about building the global labor pool stuctures tied to Trans Pacific Trade Pact and ONE WORLD ---so the small percentage of jobs that were created during Obama went to the global labor pool and not US citizens. Deliberate pressure and fear being placed on US citizens to BE QUIET AND DON'T PROTEST OR YOU WILL NOT GET A JOB.
'Campuses are microcosms of society, he said, and are often comparable in terms of representation and opportunity. "So there is a similar fight for more representation, acceptance and inclusion."
This feeling did not exist AT ALL in the 1960-70s. The War on Poverty grew government employment and good career jobs lifting the most people into the middle-class in world history. It was the dismantling of oversight and accountability by REAGAN ----getting middle-management out of government that caused our government agencies to become ineffective and inefficient. It was regulated business that made sure a real free market competition existed by keeping corporations from gaining too much power and it was enforcement of Rule of Law and US Constitutional rights that made the middle-management middle-class jobs. Corporations earned hundreds of millions of dollars in profits-----university students graduated from college into management employment and strong salaries never worrying about what they AS CITIZENS EMBRACED AND PUSHED.
Record 94,708,000 Americans Not in Labor Force; Participation Rate Drops in May
By Susan Jones | June 3, 2016 | 8:49 AM EDT
The unemployment rate in May dropped to 4.7 percent, BLS reported, less than half of its Obama-era high of 10 percent in October 2009. But the labor force participation rate has deteriorated over Obama's two terms.(AP File Photo)(CNSNews.com) - A record 94,708,000 Americans were not in the labor force in May -- 664,000 more than in April -- and the labor force participation rate dropped two-tenths of a point to 62.6 percent, near its 38-year low, the Labor Department's Bureau of Labor Statistics reported on Friday.
When President Obama took office in January 2009, 80,529,000 Americans were not participating in the labor force; since then, 14,179,000 Americans have left the workforce -- some of them retiring and some just quitting because they can't find work.
It is the monopoly of corporations on our economies and the Wall Street boom and bust economic crashes that keep unemployment high----
AND SILENCING OUR UNIVERSITIES AND REAL COMMUNITY ACTIVISM.
What's different about the latest wave of college activism
After several days of protesting Occidental College's handling of diversity issues, students occupied an administrative building, demanding that the school President Jonathan Veitch step down.
Thomas Curwen, Jason Song and Larry GordonContact Reporter
If the University of Missouri was the spark, then the fire didn't take long to spread.
Since the resignation of its president and chancellor Nov. 9, protesters have organized at more than 100 colleges and universities nationwide. Social media sites have lighted up with voices of dissent, and what began as a grievance has evolved into a movement.
Inspired by the marches in Ferguson, Mo., and Black Lives Matter, students are taking to social media to question the institutions they once approached for answers.
Calling for racial and social reforms on their campuses, they are borrowing tactics of the past — hunger strikes, sit-ins and lists of demands — and have found a collective voice to address their frustrations, hurt and rage.
Their actions seem to have hit the mark.
Last week, the dean of students at Claremont McKenna College left the university after students protested her comments to a Latina student with the offer to work for those who "don't fit our CMC mold."
Tuesday night, Jonathan Veitch, the president of Occidental College, said he and other administrators were open to considering a list of 14 reforms, including the creation of a black studies major and more diversity training, that student protesters had drawn up.
Students at USC have similarly proposed a campuswide action plan, which includes the appointment of a top administrator to promote diversity, equity and inclusion.
Nationwide, complaints of racism and microaggression are feeding Facebook pages and websites at Harvard, Brown, Columbia and Willamette universities, as well as at Oberlin, Dartmouth and Swarthmore colleges.
Protesters at Ithaca College staged a walkout to demand the president's resignation, and Peter Salovey, president of Yale University, announced a number of steps, including the appointment of a deputy dean of diversity, to work toward "a better, more diverse, and more inclusive Yale."
For decades, students have helped drive social change in America, if not the world. Campuses, said University of California President Janet Napolitano, have "historically been places where social issues in the United States are raised and where many voices are heard."
Over the decades, student protests have shifted attitudes in the country on civil rights and the Vietnam War, nuclear proliferation and apartheid, and some of today's actions are borrowing from tactics of the past.
Although some of the strategies may seem familiar, it is the speed and the urgency of today's protests that are different.
"What is unique about these issues is how social media has changed the way protests take place on college campuses," said Tyrone Howard, associate dean of equity, diversity and inclusion at UCLA. "A protest goes viral in no time flat. With Instagram and Twitter, you're in an immediate news cycle. This was not how it was 20 or 30 years ago."
Howard also believes that the effectiveness of the actions at the University of Missouri has encouraged students on other campuses to raise their voices.
"A president stepping down is a huge step," he said. "Students elsewhere have to wonder, 'Wow, if that can happen there, why can't we bring out our issues to the forefront as well?'"
Shaun R. Harper, executive director of the University of Pennsylvania's Center for the Study of Race and Equity in Education, agrees. The resignation of two top Missouri administrators, Harper said, showed students and athletes around the country that they have power they may not have realized before.
The protests show "we're all together and we have the power to make the change we deserve," said Lindsay Opoku-Acheampong, a senior studying biology at Occidental.
"It's affirming," said Dalin Celamy, also a senior at the college. "It lets us know we're not crazy; it's happening to people who are just like you all over the country."
Celamy, along with other students, not only watched the unfolding protests across the country, but also looked to earlier protests, including an occupation of an administrative building at Occidental in 1968.
Echoes of the 1960s in today's actions are clear, said Robert Cohen, a history professor at New York University and author of "Freedom's Orator," a biography of Mario Savio, who led the Free Speech Movement at UC Berkeley in the 1960s.
Today's protests, like those in the '60s, are memorable because they have been effective in pushing for change and sparking dialogue as well as polarization. — Robert Cohen, a New York University history professor"The tactical dynamism of these nonviolent protests and the public criticism of them are in important ways reminiscent of the 1960s," Cohen said. "Today's protests, like those in the '60s, are memorable because they have been effective in pushing for change and sparking dialogue as well as polarization."
Although the targets of these protests are the blatant and subtle forms of racism and inequity that affect the students' lives, the message of the protests resonates with the recent incidents of intolerance and racial inequity on the streets of America.
There is a reason for this, Howard said.
Campuses are microcosms of society, he said, and are often comparable in terms of representation and opportunity. "So there is a similar fight for more representation, acceptance and inclusion."
The dynamic can create a complicated and sensitive social order for students of color to negotiate.
"Latino and African American students are often under the belief if they leave their community and go to colleges, that it will be better," Howard said. "They believe it will be an upgrade over the challenges that they saw in underserved and understaffed schools. But if the colleges and universities are the same as those schools, then there is disappointment and frustration."
In addition, Howard said, when these students leave their community to go to a university, they often feel conflicted.
"So when injustice comes up," he said, "they are quick to respond because it is what they saw in their community. On some level, it is their chance to let their parents and peers know that they have not forgotten the struggle in the community."
On campuses and off, Harper, of the University of Pennsylvania center, finds a rising sense of impatience among African Americans about social change. "As a black person, I think black people are just fed up. It's time out for ignoring these issues," he said.
While protests in the 1960s helped create specific safeguards for universities today, such as Title IX, guaranteeing equal access for all students to any educational program or activity receiving federal financial assistance, a gap has widened over the years between students and administrators over perceptions of bias.
Institutions often valued for their support of free speech find themselves wrestling with the prospect of limiting free speech, but to focus on what is or isn't politically correct avoids the more important issue, Cohen said: whether campuses are diverse enough or how to reduce racism.
Occidental student Raihana Haynes-Venerable has heard criticism that modern students are too sensitive, but she argues that subtle forms of discrimination still have a profound effect.
She pointed to women making less than men and fewer minorities getting jobs as examples.
"This is the new form of racism," she said.
No one should know better than our university students that Obama and Clinton neo-liberals in Congress totally ended our Federal Student Loan and grant process geared to moving the middle/working class, and poor into strong 4 year universities. They restructured higher education and funding to a very tiered and gutted of funding level pushing all of the above into career vocational tracking certification pathways----calling them degrees. Everyone graduating from a state university had equal chances of landing a good job---today after restructuring the only public universities deemed able to self-fund will be ones as global and corporate as IVY LEAGUE universities. Berkeley----once free and as strong a higher education university as a Stanford or Harvard is now simply a global Wall Street neo-liberal university----NO MORE 99% PROTESTS COMING FROM THESE PUBLIC IVY LEAGUES.
The restructuring of our Federal student loans and grants AND the stocking of our public universities and faculty with global corporate leaders----ending tenure and bringing on more and more adjunct professors while the professors most skilled are kept OUT OF THE CLASSROOM and doing research is the worst of university policies and students need to get rid of this structure.
THE SAME FAR-RIGHT POLITICIAN AND MEDIA CREATING THE IMAGE OF THE 1960S AS ANTI-AMERICAN AND DECADENT ARE NOW CREATING THE IMAGE OF UNIVERSITY TENURE-------K-12 TEACHER CAREERS ----as bad. It is tenure that gave us university professors free to educate and promote all kinds of different political and public policy discussions and every university should have those professors. Did university professors take tenure for granted?
ABSOLUTELY----AND THERE ARE BAD K-12 TEACHERS THAT NEED TO GO----BUT CAREER EMPLOYMENT BRINGS SECURITY AND OPENNESS.
College Downsizes Departments, Phases Out Programs, Faculty, Staff
By Emory Wheel -
September 14 2012 | 7:38 pm
College Dean Robin Forman announced plans to “phase out” certain academic departments and reallocate resources within the College Friday afternoon in a letter sent to all College students.
The University will close the Division of Educational Studies, the Department of Physical Education and the Department of Visual Arts, in addition to Emory’s Journalism program, Forman wrote in an additional letter available on the Emory website. The Institute of Liberal Arts (ILA) will also be downsized, and the economics and Spanish graduate programs will be suspended, according to a Sept. 14 University statement.
As a result of the changes, an estimated 18 tenured faculty will be offered “comparable positions in other academic departments,” according to the University statement. Three untenured assistant professors and 19 lecture-track faculty will be forced to find jobs elsewhere, as the College will not be renewing their contracts when they expire. Approximately 20 staff positions will be eliminated in the next five years, the University said.
Forman said in an interview with the Wheel that the move is an effort to create “intriguing opportunities by renewing Emory’s commitment to academic excellence.” He unveiled the plan at a faculty meeting Wednesday afternoon, where he cited the College’s need to balance the fiscal budget and focus on “academic eminence.” At the time, Forman did not specify which departments and programs were being affected.
In the case of students currently pursuing majors in departments or programs that the University is eliminating, they will be able to complete their majors and graduate on time, according to the statement. For College freshman Samantha Miller who came to Emory for the purpose of majoring in journalism, she says she’ll have to rethink her academic career.
“I honestly wish they had made such drastic decisions before this freshmen class was choosing their colleges,” she said. “I guess I’m left with becoming an English major and having to suck it up.”
With regards to faculty, many appear to be blindsided by the decision, which, as of yesterday, is effective immediately.
Shomu Banerjee, a lecturer in the economics department, said that the economics chair received a letter from the Dean, notifying the department that the University would be suspending the Ph.D. program. Banerjee said he was insulted by Forman’s claim to have made “extensive consultations.”
“How can he not consult my department and the director of the graduate school and the executive committee of the Laney Graduate School? Those things tell me that he could not have conducted extensive consultations,” Shomu said.
Forman said that he conducted these “extensive consultations” under the promise of confidentiality and, in the case of the economics department, was “in very close consultation with the dean of the graduate school.”
Banerjee noted that without the Ph.D. program, tenured professors have no reason to stay since they cannot conduct and produce high-level research. Many within the department are already discussing an exit strategy, according to Banerjee. He predicts that five to six professors will leave by the end of this year and another five two years from now.
Forman said he disagrees with Banerjee’s assertions, adding that “there is no reason to conclude that the Emory economics department cannot do research.”
Given Emory’s recent admissions scandal, Forman is aware that this decision will have implications for the University’s image on campus and throughout the country but sees this time as a chance for growth.
“I think what we’re doing is plotting an ambitious course for the future,” he said. “I think that the programs we’ve already created in the recent past and are going to create in the near future will be tremendously exciting for students, especially.”
A full story will be available in Tuesday’s issue.
â€” By Evan Mah and Nick Sommariva
This article has been modified from its original version on Sept. 14 at 8:55 p.m. The original version misstated that 167 non-tenured and lecture-track faculty positions would be eliminated due to the announced changes.
Maryland has a public university system appointment structure like most other states----the difference may be that Maryland has been corporate longer than what all other state public universities these several years are being made to be. All levels of our US public university system is being either closed or repurposed for global corporate policies and there are two sources of appointments----the first being our governors.
As with Baltimore's election process our state elections are as rigged to assure the right person is elected that is part of this crony corporate structure. Last election for Governor of Maryland had only three Democratic candidates allowed to be mentioned during that primary-----BROWN, GANSLER, MIZEUR----each supposedly a 'social' Democrat because they felt the pain of our poor citizens while all being 1% Wall Street global corporate neo-liberals having no intentions of doing anything for the poor.
Across the nation all of our governors are either CLINTON OR BUSH-----NEO-LIBERAL OR NEO-CON and this is the far-right wing fix on our public university system.
NO LEFT-LEANING ACTIVISM HAPPENING WITH FAR-RIGHT APPOINTMENTS TO OUR PUBLIC UNIVERSITIES.
This is why we don't have our university professors leading protests-----being the source of inspiring all kinds of political discourse for WE THE PEOPLE----we have Wall Street global people being appointed to all our public universities who then appoint the same as deans for each university division. Those deans then hire professors who, if doing any social activism not promoting global markets will be out of a job.
These same governors in southern states having Historically Black Colleges like Maryland appoint leaders who would not be working for the 99% of black citizens and their rights----same with our local public universities like University of Baltimore. University of Maryland ------the state----is tied to appointing our local Baltimore colleges as well. This is a complete state control. Morgan State University somehow escaped the University of Maryland funding cycle but not the appointed leadership.
Schmoke, who was appointed by the University System of Maryland Board of Regents,
Board of Regents
A 17-member Board of Regents, Including one full-time student, governs the University System of Maryland. Appointed by the governor, the regents oversee the system's academic, administrative, and financial operations; formulate policy; and appoint the USM chancellor and the presidents of the system's 12 institutions. With the exception of the student member, each regent is appointed for a term of five years, and may not serve more than two consecutive terms. The student regent is appointed for a one-year term, and may be reappointed. Regents serve on the board without compensation.
Contact The Regents
Office of the Board of Regents
University System of Maryland
The only one more Ivy League in BAltimore than Johns Hopkins' executives is former Mayor Schmoke. He is tied to everything Wall Street----everything global ------and for someone with his background to be assigned to our local Baltimore public university----completely negates any ability of the citizens of Baltimore to voice what they want in their local public university. When someone like Schmoke is installed-----all academics tied to this university will become global Wall Street and its recruitment of students----its degree focus -----it's tolerance of anti-government/civil rights and liberties discussions are gone.
All of Baltimore's universities only allow establishment candidates in a Mayoral or Governor's primary forum be heard and they all only discuss platform issues brought forward by CLINTON/BUSH think tanks. This is the public policy capture in BAltimore where no one knows what is really going on because these public universities should be ground zero in educating broadly on all policy and politicians.
Looking below one can see our real estate----our public university building all handed to these global Wall Street entities---having nothing to do with our citizens.
THESE ARE THE ISSUES OUR STUDENTS SHOULD BE SHOUTING AGAINST---NOT SIMPLY SAYING----STOP BEING MEAN. WE MUST KNOW THE PROCESS TO WHICH OUR UNIVERSITIES ARE STAFFED ----TO CHANGE THE WAY THEY OPERATE. ANY CONCESSIONS AN ADMINISTRATION LIKE THIS WOULD MAKE WOULD BE PROGRESSIVE POSING.
What Schmoke and his University of Baltimore Administration will do as regards progressive policy is promote global student rights----global student academic testing, grades, transfer--------which is of course what University of Maryland College Park and University of Maryland Medical System did a decade or so ago.
The Yale Corporation
The Yale Corporation is the governing board and policy-making body for Yale. Compared to the governing boards of other educational institutions, the Yale Corporation is small and plays an unusually active role in university governance.
If college students do not track the process to the source of the leadership for changes----changes will not occur....... Did 100,000 voters in Baltimore really vote for nothing but global corporations as universities seeking to move US citizens into a global labor pool? REALLY???? So, Baltimore has a double-Bush neo-conservative whammy in our university structures-----Johns Hopkins and YALE universities.
2016 S&P Global Inc.
Board of Directors
Charles E. Haldeman, Jr. Non-Executive Chairman of the Board S&P Global Inc.
Non-Executive Chairman of the Board KCG Holdings, Inc.
Sir Winfried Bischoff Chairman
Financial Reporting Council
JP Morgan Securities plc
William D. Green Retired Executive Chairman
Rebecca Jacoby Senior Vice President, Operations
Cisco Systems, Inc.
Hilda Ochoa-Brillembourg Founder and Chairman
Strategic Investment Group
Douglas L. Peterson President and Chief Executive Officer
Sir Michael Rake Chairman
BT Group plc
Edward B. Rust, Jr. Chairman and former CEO
State Farm Mutual Automobile Insurance Company
Kurt L. Schmoke President
University of Baltimore
Richard E. Thornburgh Chairman
Credit Suisse Holdings (USA), Inc.
Vice President of the Board
Credit Suisse Group A.G.
Kurt L. Schmoke
University of Baltimore« Back
Kurt L. Schmoke, age 66, was appointed President of the University of Baltimore in July 2014, after serving at Howard University for almost 12 years. During his tenure at Howard University, Mr. Schmoke served in several roles: Dean of Howard Law School (2003-2012); General Counsel (2012-2014); and Interim Provost (2013-2014). Prior to joining Howard, he was a partner at the Washington, D.C. based law firm of Wilmer Cutler & Pickering from 2000 through 2002. Mr. Schmoke served three terms as the Mayor of Baltimore from 1987 until 1999. Mr. Schmoke served as the State’s Attorney for Baltimore City from 1982 until 1987. Mr. Schmoke is a Director of Legg Mason, Inc. He is a Vice Chair of The Carnegie Corporation of New York and Chair of the Howard Hughes Medical Institute, a private philanthropic group. Mr. Schmoke is also a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. Mr. Schmoke was named to President Jimmy Carter’s domestic policy staff in 1977. He was a Director of the Baltimore Life Companies and a Trustee of the Yale Corporation.
Every generation of university student will have its own voice but look what major new media plays over and over again as the supposed major reasons for student protest. The most pressing issue in America is getting rid of WALL STREET GLOBAL CORPORATE NEO-LIBERAL ECONOMICS-----all of our universities have economic departments that only teach neo-liberal economics because their leadership was appointed to make sure of that.
University of Chicago----home of Obama----is ground zero for several decades for neo-liberalism. This is from where all neo-liberal economic public policy originated and that would be the source of protest for any population group in the US especially black citizens being killed by far-right authoritarian Wall Street policies. Yet, these same few issues are given by media as the reasons for our anger.
Most of the mainstream issues presented by Wall Street media has mostly to do with creating a global environment allowing global students to feel save and supported and these same policies would be occurring overseas in all International Economic Zones. These are the United Nations protesting issues----
WE WANT ALL IMMIGRANT STUDENTS TO FEEL WELCOME AND SAFE BUT WE THE PEOPLE ARE PROTESTING FOR ISSUES OF WHAT IT MEANS TO BE PROTECTED AS A CITIZENS UNDER US RULE OF LAW AND A US CONSTITUTION.
'The protesters, who were mostly students, demanded, among other things, a “living wage” for campus workers, more accountability from the campus police and disinvestment from fossil fuels'.
These issues are not bad issues but are they really the major problems with our university structure and societal injustice? This is not a 1960-70s civil liberties revolution coming from our public universities.
IF WE ARE OCCUPYING WALL STREET AND WANTING A DIFFERENT KIND OF CAPITALISM ----THEN WE HAVE UNIVERSITY STUDENTS SHOUTING DOWN NEO-LIBERAL ECONOMICS COURSES ON CAMPUS.
On Eve of Graduation, University of Chicago Student President Faces Expulsion
By ANEMONA HARTOCOLLISJUNE 8, 2016
Tyler Kissinger, the student body president, was threatened with expulsion after allowing protesters into the administration building at the University of Chicago. Credit Nathan Weber for The New York Times
On an afternoon in May, 34 protesters breached the locked doors of the administration building at the University of Chicago and dashed upstairs to the fifth-floor lobby of the president’s office. Sprawling on chairs and on the floor, equipped with food and chant sheets, they settled in for a long sit-in. The protesters, who were mostly students, demanded, among other things, a “living wage” for campus workers, more accountability from the campus police and disinvestment from fossil fuels.
It was part of a school year of student demonstrations across the country, often tolerated or even celebrated by members of the faculty or administrators. But this one was different: Days later, the student body president, Tyler Kissinger, who had allowed the protesters into the building, was threatened with expulsion the day before graduation.
“My parents are concerned because they don’t know if they should be coming to observe my graduation or not, or if I should be spending the few dollars to buy my cap and gown,” said Mr. Kissinger, 21, who is from Lewisville, N.C., and is a first-generation college student.
Administrators at other universities have been more accommodating in this year of unrest. Harvard Law School abolished its slavery-linked crest after protests, including a sit-in; Yale discontinued the use of the term “master” for heads of its student residences after protests; the president of the University of Missouri resigned after protests by the football team.
A spokesman for the University of Chicago, Jeremy Manier, said that because of student confidentiality rules, he could not disclose information about disciplinary action. But he defended the university’s record on free speech generally.
“Freedom of expression and dissent are fundamental values of the University of Chicago,” Mr. Manier said in an email. “The university’s policies do not prevent students from engaging in protest, and the university does not discipline students for speaking out on any issue.”
Mr. Kissinger said he had been formally charged with “premeditated and dishonest behavior to gain entry to Levi Hall, creating an unsafe situation.” He is to appear before a disciplinary committee on Friday, about 24 hours before he was expecting to graduate.
Mr. Kissinger and his fellow demonstrators note that the university has been roundly praised by free-speech organizations. “I think it’s scary for a lot of people,” Mr. Kissinger said. “If they are cracking down on people who are protesting, I don’t understand what the university means by free expression.”
The University of Chicago’s reaction is consistent with the tough line it took during the last period of major upheaval on college campuses, the demonstrations of the 1960s. In 1967, the university suspended 58 students for taking over the administration building in a draft protest, though most of the suspensions were not carried out, according to an account on the university library’s website.
In March 1969, the university expelled 42 students, suspended 81 students and put three students on probation for a two-week occupation of the administration building in support of a sociology professor they thought was being denied reappointment because of her leftist views and because she was one of a minority of women on the faculty.
The sit-in this spring, on May 19, was conceived after university administrators refused invitations from a community organizing group, the IIRON Student Network, soon to be renamed Student Action of Metropolitan Chicago, to attend a public meeting to discuss its demands. Among other things, the group wanted the university to institute a $15-an-hour minimum wage for campus workers, and to provide more access to the records of the university police force, which it has accused of racial profiling in the surrounding neighborhood. The university said it already posts information from field interviews and traffic stops.
On the day of the sit-in, Mr. Kissinger got past security by saying he was on official business as student body president. He hid in a bathroom for a few minutes, he recalled, then used his backpack to prop open a door to let everyone else in.
The protest ended an hour later when a university official told the protesters they could be arrested and students possibly expelled. Four days later, at a meeting of the student government, the university provost, Eric D. Isaacs, was confronted with students and campus workers pressing the demands.
Mr. Kissinger was called to a meeting with the dean of students, Michele Rasmussen, who criticized him, he said, for letting the student assembly get out of hand and for allowing campus workers to attend. After that meeting, he received the summons to a disciplinary hearing. It said sanctions ranged from a warning to permanent expulsion.
Mr. Kissinger, whose mother is a food service worker at Wake Forest University, said he thought the university should be an open place, run in a collaborative way. “I think students, faculty and staff should have uninhibited access to administrators on their campuses, administrators who are making decisions about their lives,” he said.